Overall Summary “Locating The Aboriginal Gender Gap: The Political Attitudes and Participation of Aboriginal Women in Canada” by Allison Harrell and Dimitrios Panagos is an article in search of locating gender gaps among Aboriginals with regards to their political participation and attitudes. If discovered that there is a gender gap present, this article looks to find where it would be located and what would cause such gaps. With the help of previous literature, they look at two possible explanations. Inequality could be one possible determinant of gender gaps and colonialism could be another. Harell and Dimitrios look at both possible explanations as well as three surveys, and with the assistance of these they come to discover that there …show more content…
The gender gaps among Aboriginals are present and more prominent when it comes to their support of particular political parties and colonialism seems to better explain such gaps. During their research they not only discover gender gaps among Aboriginal men and women but that there is a strikingly significant gap among Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals when it came to political behaviour.
Background “Today the concept of gender gaps has become a staple in the literature and is important for understanding the political behaviour of women and men” (Harell, Panagos, 2010). In the past there has not been any other research that indicate gender gaps among Aboriginals or what they would look like if they did. There has been previous research however, that makes this issue more complicated. There is the “inequality hypothesis” (Harell, Panagos, 2013) that could explain why gender gaps would exist among Aboriginal women. Women still earn less in the paid labour force than men (Statistics Canada 2006, 133), they are over represented in precarious work (Statistics Canada, 2006, 109-133), and they are at greater risk of
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While they state that the “inequality hypothesis” does indeed have some implications on the political behaviour of Aboriginal Women, “the magnitude and character of the Aboriginal gender gap in vote choice provides clear support for the colonialism hypothesis” (Harell, Panagos 2013). With previous literature along with the three Canadian surveys, the 2004 CES, the ESN, and the ECS_A, they further unveil evidence that coincides with their claim. Just as previous research had suggested they find that participation rates among Aboriginal men and women are similar to those of non-Aboriginals. However, they do uncover that Aboriginals turnout rates were only half the amount of the non-Aboriginal people. (see also Harell, Panagos, Matthews 2011). Furthermore, it was apparent that Aboriginals supported and lacked support for opposite groups of the general population. The support for the NDP party was where the gender gap among Aboriginals was the most vivid. Aboriginal women were more likely to vote NDP, whereas Aboriginal men were more likely to vote Liberal. The colonialism view on this finding is that the NDP party has been supportive of the rights of Aboriginals since the 1960’s. (Tester, McNicoll, and Forsyth 1999). After more extensive research and examination of the ESC 2004, Harell and Panagos find that nothing from the
To understand why the Indian Act has had such a negative impact on Aboriginal women in society today we must observe the previous affect it has had on Aboriginal women during the post colonial time period. The Indian Act is a law that European settlers created in 1876 in order to assimilate the Aboriginal population, and therefore we can deem that the Indian Act is law that was created in the post colonial generation. The Indian Act was a law put in place by the Canadian government to intentionally discriminate against the Aboriginal people in order shrink the number of Aboriginals in Canadian society and to reduce the obligations the government had (Cannon and Sunseri 2011: 90). It was very hard for Aboriginals to overcome the discrimination they faced from the Indian Act because major politicians like Sir. John A MacDonald, Nicholas Flood Davin, and Duncan Cambell Scott despised the Aboriginals in Canada and therefore supported the Indian Act in order to assimilate and destroy the culture of the Aboriginal population (ibid: 312-313).
The integration of an anecdote - from an Indigenous frontbencher, is a tactic to undermine Linda Burneys claims by unveiling that she was has a strong Scottish ancestry. Following on to establish that “more that half of Aboriginal married non- Aboriginals”. This forces the reader to break the historical stigma that this debate is between Aboriginals and white people, but there is in fact, more at
Both these initiatives taken by the Liberal reflect the pressing concern amongst the Indigenous community. Improvements in housing and infrastructure will increase the quality of life and health care accessibility. Moreover, Trudeau's gendered approach to Indigenous issues resonates with the prevalent gender discrimination and violence that occurs within these communities. Consequently, the Liberals positioned themselves as the favourable alternative to the disengaged
Denis, 2011, p. 306-307). To further explain her thesis, she claims that multiculturalism is used by the government of Canada as a method of colonizing Aboriginal people and diverting the issue of recognition and retribution for the Aboriginal people (St. Denis, 2011). St. Denis proposed at a provincial social science curriculum discussion that Aboriginal studies should be considered a separate course in the Canadian curriculum as opposed to being combined with social studies and history (St. Denis, 2011). The suggestion that was made was interjected by the comment, “Aboriginal people are not the only people here” (St. Denis, 2011, p.306). Although the comment may hold truth, the author uses that remark to further provide evidence that multiculturalism is used as a form of colonialism (St. Denis,
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This highlights how the acquisition of rights for Aboriginal people was a fractured process as they still faced discrimination in the wake of changes that were meant to work in their favor. Although the Referendum did not increase the rights of Aboriginal people, it is still important in the Aboriginal Rights movement as it created the possibility for the Federation to create laws that could benefit or support Aboriginal
[9] The authors contend that the Australian Constitution has historically been used to marginalize Indigenous Australians and that any attempts at constitutional change must be cognizant of this history. The authors argue that the current constitutional framework in Australia needs to be revised to address Indigenous issues, particularly concerning the recognition of Indigenous rights and the participation of Indigenous Australians in the political process. They contend that a First Nations Voice to Parliament and a Makarrata Commission are essential components of constitutional change in Australia. They would provide a framework for Indigenous self-determination and recognizing Indigenous
There are many theories that could provide an expatiation to overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in justice system. First is the culture clash theory that was purposed by the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) (1996), this theory suggests that the overrepresentation occurs when Aboriginal people’s value does not fit to justice system, due to the fact that Aboriginal people concept of justice is different than Euro-Canadian concept. An example of culture clash theory that contributes in overrepresentation of Aboriginal people is a result of non-Aboriginal people understanding the cultural norms of an Aboriginal community. An example of differences in Aboriginal community and non-Aboriginal community is that for Aboriginal
If we were to take a close look at the House of Commons, we would instantly notice that most individuals are white men, supporting one of only four political parties. Statistically speaking, twenty percent of Canada’s population is of visible minority or Aboriginal status however only a mere eight percent of recent MP’s are non-white individuals. Based on this information, we can make a cultivated assumption that Canadian minorities are severely underrepresented in political life. Senate reform provides a legitimate chance for our country to address this long-established and indelible shortcoming. According to Gibbins and Roach (2010), “Electing Senators through some form of proportional representation should be a key element of Senate reform.
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According to Anzovino and Boutilier (2014), “the legislative definition of Aboriginal peoples includes all persons of “Indian” blood who were known to belong to a specific band, living on specific land, with their descendants [and] all persons intermarried with any such “Indians” who resided among them” as well as all children and persons adopted in infancy (p. 90). These persons are immensely proud of their good character, race, beliefs, values and morals. However, they are receiving abuse and a lack of promised assistance from the government. How can Canada act so neglectful and inattentive to those that live north of the suburban area? Are we not all equal and deserve the same rights, especially basic living conditions in order to survive?
Canada is known for its amazing healthcare and it is considered one of the best in the world. In Canada, healthcare is ‘universal’ to its citizens under the Heath Care Act. However, not everyone has equal access to healthcare, Aboriginals being some of them. Aboriginals have trouble getting the access they need because of socio-economic status, geography, lack of infrastructure and staff, language or cultural barriers an more. Aboriginals on reserve face many barriers when it comes to access to healthcare, they include cost, language, distance, climate, education and more.
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Why is post colonialism relevant in understanding the phenomena of the Stolen Generation? Post colonialism is a relatively new concept of international relations. It appeared in the 1990s after that of theories of feminism which will be competitively analysed in this case study of the Stolen Generation phenomenon. Post colonialism theory has long played a significant role in literary studies, cultural and anthropological studies but its recent introduction into international relations shows an important theoretical shift.