Following the conclusion of World War II in 1945 and the beginning of the Cold War in 1947, both American consumerist and anti-communist sentiments disseminated throughout the entire country. During the 1950s, these facets of American society created a sense of homogeneity amongst Americans by promoting a conservative mindset. While conservative “Americanism” existed in many towns and cities, its presence in the suburbs was particularly striking because it was able to unify an entire population of individuals. Although the suburbs’ collective unity brought entire communities together, it was often used to combat the communists and minorities of the 1950s. Nativism legally manifested in the form of “restrictive covenants” that ostracized African-Americans …show more content…
As suburban Americans began to own the same consumer goods and believe in the same values, the prospect of inclusive thought began to disappear. The aesthetic homogeneity with men’s clothing, for example, left very little room for men to dress up in anything other than the bland suits characteristic of the 1950s. Among the varying forms of homogeneity present in the suburbs, none had the effect on conservatism that racial homogeneity did. From the 1950s until “the 1990s, nearly 90 percent of suburban whites lived in communities with minority populations of less than 1 percent,” showing how the suburbs created conservative thought that would last nearly half a century in the suburbs. In order to achieve this racial ubiquity, “the suburban builders…openly advertised the fact that their communities excluded minorities,” revealing their conservative and racist beliefs William Levitt, the father of the suburbs, argued that “if we sell one house to a Negro family, then 90 or 95 percent of our white customers will not buy into the community,” further showing how minorities were feared to be a threat in a white society These racialized advertisements and thoughts encapsulated the attention of their audiences by reinforcing the idea of minorities (primarily African-Americans) being a threat to security, which dates back to the 17th Century with the institution of slavery. In addition to their racialized advertisements, suburban builders like Levitt imposed “restrictive covenants” that prevented minorities from living in their suburbs. In the lease agreement for Levittown, William Levitt includes the fact that “the tenant agrees not to permit the premises to be sued or occupied by any person other than members of the Caucasian race” in order to ensure white ubiquity. This racial exclusion was
Nichols enhanced and streamlined the use of restrictive covenants. Using the fears of property values decreasing, Nichols added a racial restriction into the deeds. In all of the deeds for the land he developed was this restriction, “None of said lots may be conveyed to, used, owned or occupied by negroes as owners or tenants. ”1 While this might seem like an isolated instance, restrictive covenants occurred all over the United States in the early 20th century. J.C. Nichols employed an addition that would enhance the covenant and make it more appealing to the “desired” homeowner; that addition was a self-renewing contract every 25 years.2
Nick Melvin 4/24/17 Book Review 7 Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right McGirr, Lisa. Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right. Princeton University Press, 2015. Lisa McGirr, professor of history at Harvard University, investigates the grassroots conservative attempts in the 1960s and 1970s to revitalize the diminishing Republican Party which assisted in creating a new right and the subsequent conservative revival in the 1980s with Ronald Reagan.
The idea of equality for all people, regardless of their race, is instilled in the American society of today. Unfortunately, this idea has not always been present, which ultimately has caused many issues for America’s society in the past. As discussed in the book Our Town: Race, Housing, and the Soul of Suburbia, David L. Kirp focuses on the inequality that was found between the low-income blacks and the middle class whites in a South Jersey town, Mount Laurel. At the time, the whites had a goal of running the blacks out of the town by making the costs of housing expensive enough where blacks could not afford it. This lead to unequal treatment for the blacks who lived in Mount Laurel compared to the whites when it came to housing opportunities.
According to The Editorial Board New York Time’s, “The Housing Crisis Lives on for Minorities” December 26,2016, mortgage companies such as Fannie Mae are discriminating and being racist towards African-American and Latino homes. The writer emphasizes the neglection Fannie Mae had towards these minority homeowners and specifies the contrast between white areas and black areas. The mortgage crisis that ravaged the economy eight years ago, is a driving factor of the editorial. The writer is informing New York Times readers, educated citizens, and intellectuals about the racial allegations towards Fannie Mae. The Editorial Board affectively convinces their audience that there is an unjust gap between white and minority homes through the use of
The purpose of this documentary was to insight the public of why American suburban areas during the mid-1900s were populated and categorized the way they were. It showed how American History, Politics, War and Social Revolutionizing had a direct correlation between the urban planning of suburban areas. It helped explain the misconception between the stereotype about living in a suburban area. The director wants to teach the audience that there is more to just picking a district and suburbanizing it. There are hidden political and economic reasons behind every factor put into the building and colonizing of a suburban community.
In Chapter Four of White Metropolis, Phillips discusses the way white elites ensured that the black population lacked political and social standing. The elites achieved this as much by spreading rumors and reinforcing stereotypes as by passing laws that legally robbed blacks of power. The “Sambo” stereotype, which depicted blacks as childish, carefree, and happy perpetuated the impression of superiority among the whites, even in the lowest classes (77;81). When the black population had access to the same goods as the white population in Dallas—even though they still shopped from separate stores—this perceived economic equality created panic among the white community (78). This was a factor in the second wave of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s.
The initiative challenges the idea of American exceptionalism by critically reviewing the economic, political, and cultural mechanisms that have sustained racial disparity. It reveals the ongoing consequences of colonialism and racial oppression, such as discriminatory policies, wealth inequality, and systematic racism, by emphasizing the experiences and viewpoints of oppressed communities. The 1619 Project seeks to challenge the prevalent historical narrative and open a discussion about colonialism's continued effects on modern-day America. According to one of the project's articles by Matthew Desmond, continuing residential segregation and unequal access to opportunities are the effect of racial discrimination in housing regulations, showing how colonialism and racial injustice still have an impact. The 1619 Project also questions the idea of American development as a linear path, focusing instead on the cycle of history and the deep foundations of inequity.
Minorities in sitcoms were less portrayed in contrast to an accurate representation of the time period. Ironically, minorities in sitcoms were not always represented by minority actors and actresses. Sometimes makeup was used on a white actor so he could portray an African man. It was not until the 1950’s when African Americans were shown on television. African Americans were often portrayed as crooked people with poor English and less education.
“Net Worth of White Households in D.C. […],” from The Washington Post (2016), outlines the historical wealth disparities for residents, mainly between blacks and whites, in D.C. The article opens with how wealth disparities have prevented black families from a higher net worth and home ownership. It goes on to examine structural barriers created from these disparities by exploring the political and economical impact these barriers have. According to Reskin (2012), the main reason for “racial disparities in home ownership” between racial groups has come from the practice of redlining.
Postwar America was marked by mass hysteria of communism. The Cold War anticommunism stirred fear of “foreign enemies” invading the U.S which amplified the opposition to immigration reform and favored strict limits on alien admissions and rights (Stranger, 179). This allowed isolationist to push national quotas. Through the 1940s and 50s, restrictionists had the upper hand regarding immigration, especially since most of Congress oppose immigration. Restrictionist wanted to increase immigration exclusion with the intention to protect “the country from agents of international communist conspiracy” (Stranger, 179).
When white families lived in those neighborhoods, they had more “value” but when colored families started to come into the areas, white families moved out to “Type A” and “Type B” neighborhoods. White families would move out of these areas because they believed that the colored families would make their neighborhood’s value decrease. They also did this because when the new families moved in, they were not comfortable with living near someone of a different race than them. The whites moving made a huge impact on the way that lower-income neighborhoods lived. They did not have access to the things that “Type A” and “Type B” families had.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a large portion of Americans were restricted from civil and political rights. In American government in Black and White (Second ed.), Paula D. McClain and Steven C. Tauber and Vanna Gonzales’s power point slides, the politics of race and ethnicity is described by explaining the history of discrimination and civil rights progress for selective groups. Civil rights were retracted from African Americans and Asian Americans due to group designation, forms of inequality, and segregation. These restrictions were combatted by reforms such as the Thirteenth Amendment, the Fourteenth Amendment, the Fifteenth amendment, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, etc. Although civil and political
a. Government policies turned black neighborhoods into overcrowded slums as a result white families came to associate African Americans with slum characteristics. Worst of all, white homeowner then fled when African Americans moved nearby, fearing their new neighbors would bring slum conditions with them. – (The Making of Ferguson, Richard Rothstein, http://prospect.org/article/making-ferguson-how-decades-hostile-policy-created-powder-keg) b. Government sponsored dual labor market that made suburban housing less affordable for black. Including zoning that defined ghetto boundaries within St. Louis, turning black neighborhood into slum.
Lance Freeman, an associate professor of urban planning in Columbia, wanted to investigate if there was any displacement going on in two predominantly black neighborhoods that was briskly gentrifying. Much to his dismay, he couldn’t find any correlation between gentrification and displacement. What was surprising to Freeman was his discovery, “poor residents and those without a college education were actually less likely to move if they resided in gentrifying neighborhoods”. (Sternbergh, 19) Freeman adds, “The discourse on gentrification, has tended to overlook the possibility that some of the neighborhood changes associated with gentrification might be appreciated by the prior residents.” (Sternbergh, 19)
Neighborhoods want to be prosperous and not discriminated against in America. 12. “Sundown Towns” has written by Dr. James W. Loewen and was about the explosive story of radical exclusion