Mayor Ed Lee’s somewhat unorthodox path to becoming mayor of San Francisco is an interesting case study into the convoluted politics of the city, and how the factors of race and wealth play into determining who runs San Francisco. The first item that stands out in Mayor Lee’s bio, is that he had never won (or participated) in an election until his re-election until 2011. Mayor Lee’s image among the San Francisco voters is somewhat of a bureaucrat, which becomes clear with even a glance at his biography. Ed Lee transitioned from being an attorney for 10 years, to filling a plethora of San Francisco city positions, as varied as Director of the Human Rights Commission, to Director of City Purchasing, and finally to City Administrator. After …show more content…
While San Francisco has a convoluted ranked-choice system allowing for instant runoffs, the result was not too much in doubt, with Lee beating progressive candidate John Avalos by nearly 30,000 votes. Of course, much of this was due to high Asian-American turnout, with Rose Pak estimated that “80% of Asian-Americans would vote for Lee”. Shortly after this Mayor Lee began to transform from the boring bureaucrat that he was mostly known for. To explain this change, one must take a look at the demographic changes currently roiling San Francisco. Rose Pak’s official title is “Consultant to the Chinese Chamber of Commerce”, essentially meaning that she is an advocate for Chinese-Owned businesses, which tend to be more blue-collar, who end up living in lower-income areas, such as Chinatown. This comes in stark contrast to a competing chamber of commerce, called sf.citi, run by billionaire investor Ron Conway. As one might guess, sf.citi represents the interests of the technology industry in San Francisco. With their mostly wealthy, white backers, it is clear that the two interests are on a natural collision course. Mr. Conway’s first forays into San Francisco politics were to eradicate homelessness, not through decreasing housing costs, or opening more shelters, but by banning sitting and lying on city streets, as well as “aggressive panhandling”. During Mayor Lee’s …show more content…
He was chosen by Rose Pak in order to benefit her voting bloc, which consisted of mostly lower-income Asian-Americans. Yet much like the city he presides over, he has shifted from a progressive mayor of the lower-income, to a mayor eager to draw business to the city, albeit at a high cost. Mayor Lee’s acquiesce to the technology industry has thus proved to be a double-edged sword. While San Francisco revenues have skyrocketed, the unemployment rate has dropped to a miniscule 3.6%, and homicides have fallen (most likely because the homicides in San Francisco take place in a few select neighborhoods, which have all undergone large amounts of gentrification), one must ask at what cost this prosperity comes. The chief criticism comes in the housing market-the median rent has increased by $1630 since 2011, a jump that has forced a significant amount out of the city. In order to combat this, Mayor Lee selected a goal of building an additional 30,000 housing units, by 2020. In order to build these, he put a measure on the ballot authorizing the city to issue up to $310 million in bonds, to be put towards affordable housing. However, it is up for debate how much of a dent the bond can make in the severe housing crisis facing the city, with many city politicians saying that it is simply not large enough to improve the housing shortage facing the
In Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California, Tomas Almaguer (2009) describes how race and racism coincides to facilitate the birth of white supremacy in California during the late nineteenth century. The idea of racial formation allowed groups to establish their power and privilege over defined racial lines. For each of the three racialized groups presented Chapter one combines the historical and sociological framework to describe the transformation of Mexican California. Through highlighting the historical accounts of racialized groups, fear of potential threats to white workers creates white supremacy. He continues by describing the peopling of Anglo-CA from 1848-1900 with the immigration of Irish, German,
The author acknowledges that capitalist globalization and neoliberalism have created the deplorable economic conditions in which many Oakland residents live. He alludes to the need to change the “social order” of impoverished communities and the “social contexts” in which individuals make vital choices about their lives. However, he eschews any call for systematic social change and instead hopes that policymakers will change policies and redistribute resources from criminal justice programs to “nurturing institutions.” Such hopes are undoubtedly well-intentioned, but they pale in comparison with the social problems the author has so capably illuminated. In the end, Rios avoids any acknowledgment that the end of anti-working class and racist repression, the progressive transformation of social institutions, and the massive redistribution of material resources will require the abolition of capitalism and the development of a new socialist
On the overpass leading into Yonkers is a large sign which states "GENERATION Y" short for generation Yonkers. After some research I found out that this was a plan to revitalize Yonkers. Mayor Mike Spano has approved for one billion dollars to be used fix up downtown Yonkers, focusing on the riverfront, in order to attract young business men and women. The idea in itself is wonderful. Not only are they fixing up dilapidated buildings, they are also bringing in new businesses that will stimulate the economy.
He points out that corruption and cronyism have a long history in Chicago, which has damaged public confidence in the government and hampered efforts to solve the city's problems. Will is ultimately writing this particular piece to draw attention to Chicago's catastrophic position and to implore voters to make a thoughtful decision in the next mayoral race. In his opinion, the future of the city is in jeopardy, and the choice of the city's mayor will be crucial in determining whether Chicago continues to deteriorate or starts to address its long-standing issues. Political ideologies are categorized using the Four Labels Framework based on their social and economic implications. Political ideologies like liberalism, socialism, and progressivism are mentioned in the essay by George F. Will and are connected to economic and social policies.
From the moment Richard Daley took residence on fifth floor of City Hall, Chicago became more than just a stronghold for the democratic political machine. It became Daley’s Chicago. It was Daley, not the machine who so successfully reestablished the patronage system. It was Daley who, for the next twenty-one years, made it an impossible task for a republican opponent to take the mayoral seat. Through the book, Boss by Mike Royko, evidence shows that Daley’s reign as mayor closely resembles that of a competitive authoritarian state.
As Washington D.C.’s second oldest town, Tenleytown has grown from a country village to a city neighborhood. Much of this transition involved the gathering of the Tenleytown community to fight crises or advocate for their neighborhood. Tenleytown citizens have fought against the relocation of the black Reno City community, fought for the rightful name of their Metro station, and fought against business and residential real estate development. Tenleytown residents have a shared history that has created a sense of place within their community, because they are willing to take action anytime Tenleytown or the community is threatened.
Due to recent political upset and turmoil in the United States government, there has been a growing movement among some California residents that their state should secede and form a new country. However outlandish this idea may seem to some some individuals, secession may actually prove to be more beneficial for California citizens in the long run. There have already been a few proposals for how to split of the state of California in order to make it more governable. However, these ideas simple chop California into pieces rather than addresses the root of the issue. Because of California’s unique political ideology and efficient government system, it would be most beneficial for the state to secede from the United States in order to escape
Crime was rampant, poverty was controlling the city’s people, and the immigration explosion was allowing corruption to spread by exposing them for their own purposes. But the future would only hold good things for movement of people, goods, information, and
Anderson begins the section by explaining that there are two separate cultures in inner-city neighborhoods. The first are the “decent” this group is defined by commitment to “middle-class values,” (101). However, they are not mainstream in that they
The importance of the history of minority groups have been undercut throughout history due to the position of racial minorities in the American society. When it came to historical preservation of sites thought to be historically significant, barely any buildings related to the history of minority races were included in the preservation efforts. However, efforts by the Chinese were able to prevent the demolition of the Chinese Mission Church in San Diego. This essay will explore how, and to what extent, the theories of power elite and pluralism explain the developments surrounding the fate of the Chinese Mission Church in San Diego when it was identified as a structure to be demolished in the 1986 Marina Redevelopment Project to make way for
Lance Freeman, an associate professor of urban planning in Columbia, wanted to investigate if there was any displacement going on in two predominantly black neighborhoods that was briskly gentrifying. Much to his dismay, he couldn’t find any correlation between gentrification and displacement. What was surprising to Freeman was his discovery, “poor residents and those without a college education were actually less likely to move if they resided in gentrifying neighborhoods”. (Sternbergh, 19) Freeman adds, “The discourse on gentrification, has tended to overlook the possibility that some of the neighborhood changes associated with gentrification might be appreciated by the prior residents.” (Sternbergh, 19)
There has to be a realistic solution that can be put into motion to benefit everyone involved. Referring again to his article “Is Gentrification All Bad?” Davidson argues that urban renewal, if done right, is not a monstrous custom that it is painted to be; nevertheless, he reasons that gentrification depends on who does it, how they do it, and why they do it. As a resident in New York, a city where gentrification is as widespread as the common cold in winter, Davidson speculates that those who go into a neighborhood with the intention to renovate houses, or abandoned buildings ought to have a good reason for it. The author points out that “Gentrification does not have to be something that one group inflicts on another…” (Davidson 349), rather, he suggests that everyone, the gentrifiers and the locals, be on the same page when it comes to developing their
Annotated Bibliography Books Dudley, William, et al., editors. Police Brutality. D.L. Bender, 1991. • Police Brutality gives information on how police brutality is a widespread issue in the United States and explains different controversies and cases that relate to police brutality. • The editors of this book include activists and nonfiction authors who provide reliable information on what happened during different incidences of police brutality and the viewpoints and controversies that come with it.
Public Policy on Housing Discrimination Executive Summary Housing discrimination and segregation have long been present in the American society (Lamb and Wilk). The ideals of public housing and home buying have always been intertwined with the social and political transformation of America, especially in terms of segregation and inequality of capital and race (Wyly, Ponder and Nettking). Nevertheless, the recent unrest in Ferguson, Missouri and in Baltimore due to alleged police misconduct resulting to deaths of black men brought light on the impoverished conditions in urban counties in America (Lemons). This brings questions to the effectiveness of the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) in devising more fair-housing facilities (Jost).
The Watts and Rodney King riots, the Rampart Scandal, overt racism, brutality and general neglect of the inner city are sins that author Joe Domanick places on the front door of past chiefs, particularly the celebrated icons William Parker and Daryl Gates. Both former chiefs are lambasted without mercy. He goes over the top with his treatment of them as individuals, but provides ample evidence to show how their management styles led to future dishonor and disgrace for the agency. Few are spared scathing criticism. Dominick's antipathy towards American law enforcement and law enforcers sticks out like a sore thumb.