Introduction The conjunction of late capitalism and the spread of new technologies have fostered the contemporary neoliberal globalisation, which is often perceived as a new period in world history, having – according to neoliberal proponents – brought about a very different international order. The essay will first explain the neoliberal narrative, presenting the reasons alluding to the perception that neoliberal globalisation is a new era, with the arguments that the world has been significantly reshaped, by being far more interconnected, ‘flattened’ and ‘decentred’ than ever before. The essay will then discuss globalisation and interconnection in the past, showing rather a continuation than a sharp contrast between past and modern times. …show more content…
In this period, Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan implemented a full range of policies, intended to curb the power of labour, to deregulate markets and to liberate the powers of finance . This new model was in total break with previous practices – usually dubbed ‘Keynesian’ – in which the state had a preponderant role in controlling markets to ensure full employment, economic growth and the welfare of its citizens . Neoliberalism gradually penetrated ‘common-sense’ understandings, and was increasingly being seen as a necessary, and even ‘natural’, evolution of modern societies – Margaret Thatcher bluntly stated that there was ‘no alternative’ to it . Neoliberalism is thus also an ‘end of history’ doctrine, branded as the culminating point of capitalism, after having defeated all collectivist mirages – the communist regime and the social-democratic welfare state . Even critics of neoliberalism adopt a Manichean language, in which neoliberalism is the worst and final avatar of capitalism. Sherry B. Ortner observes a shift in terminology around the year 2000 from ‘late capitalism’ to ‘neoliberalism’ and attributes it to a change in the story …show more content…
Liberals argue that this age, through free trade and new technologies, has brought a truly interconnected and decentred world, in opposition to previous ages in which the world is presented as far less interconnected and much more uneven. It must be noted, as pointed by A. Hopkins , that modern globalisation is too contemporary for historians to properly assess its impact on human history , meaning that its proximity might overstate its significance. Without wishing to belittle the tremendous impact of new technologies and neoliberal globalisation, there are indeed some nuances to be
'Labour's domestic policies should be remembered in a positive light.' Assess the validity of this view (25 marks) Labours victory in the 1997 election was first thought to be the U-turn of the socio-economic transformation that the Nation endured after 18 years of conservative premiership. However, these thoughts were quickly extinguished as the Labour party and Tony Blair took the neoliberalist ideals of the conservative party and intensified them. The rebranded new Labour looked to reform Britain in its own rendition of neoliberalism, the party executed this by making promises to the people promises to reform Education, Healthcare and Crime.
Neoliberalism is usually confused and misinterpreted. The rise of neoliberalism had influenced public sector relations. The impact of the economic crisis and association of austerity measures had put pressure for some change and reform. Regardless of the rise of neoliberalism and austerity, extent and impact are not uniformed. Public sectors are strong and their influence have become weak.
For these reasons, neoliberalism is not a monolith. Therefore, explaining how neoliberal logic came to dominate economic and political debates in the West is complex (Brenner and Theodore 2002; Springer 2010; Peck 2008). Peck and Tickell (2002) note that one of neoliberalism's enduring features is that it can be applied selectively and tailored to fit specific socio-spatial conditions.
Do you ever wonder find yourself wondering how we lived in a world without the internet, smartphones, and televisions? This new world of technology that we live in today is do to the globalization “super story”, which enables us to put things in ways we, individually, can comprehend. Thomas Friedman, an American journalist and three time Pulitzer Prize winner, suggest in his article “Globalization: The Super Story”, that the world has shifted from the international Cold War system to the new international system of Globalization. In other words, the world has adapted to a system of integration rather than divide. Overall, I perceived the article to be terrifying convincing, yet, upon further review I discovered to issues and lack of empathy from Friedman 's point of view.
Evaluating the writings of legendary German political economist Karl Marx, and Marxism at large, in the context of twenty-first century developments can be a Sisyphean task. In the third episode of “Masters of Money,” Stephanie Flanders and the British Broadcasting Corporation tackle his legacy in the wake of the Great Recession of 2008. Flanders does well to establish the core tenets of Marxism in this documentary but loses sight of some of the finer points. The basics of commodity ownership are discussed but only briefly, and rather shoddily. The creation of surplus-value is ignored entirely, which would help to frame the decline in wages experienced globally by many.
To what extent was Thatcher’s New Right vision made into a reality? Margaret Thatcher’s parliamentary dominance from 1979-1900 created a wave of controversy due to her New Right ideologies, defined as right-wing ideas that focused on the autonomy of individuals and economic privatisation. This essay will firstly discuss the emergence of Thatcher’s New Right, then follow a debate-like discourse to question how well these ideologies were brought to life. To support each argument, examples of social and economic policies will be referenced throughout.
Pinochet, with the help from the Chicago Boys, began the world’s first experiment with Neoliberalism. The intentions of neoliberalism in Chile as a political and economic movement were to restore the power of the elites and to dismantle the Welfare State of the previous Keynesian era. David Harvey in A Brief History of Neoliberalism asserts that neoliberalism could only have displaced embedded neoliberalism through the use of force such as through military power in Chile (Harvey pg. 40). Harvey discusses that any political movement that holds individual freedoms to be important is vulnerable to incorporation into the neoliberal fold (Harvey pg. 41). Neoliberalism in Chile completely disregarded individual freedoms and the economic policies developed by the Chicago Boys was the main instigator for human rights violations.
We now know that that assumption is far from the truth. What we were witnessing was fragmented globality. It was an increased but selective form of capital, which also intensified the differences between labor markets across national borders and the uneven integration of global consumer markets. Frederick Cooper argued globalization was more of a discourse than a applicable reality; it may cause change over time but it lacks a perspective of history needed to differentiate between its mechanisms and limits of spatial
Marx and Engels wrote that capitalist globalization was completely eroding the foundations of the international system of states in the mid-1840s. Conflict and competition between nation-states had not yet over in their view but the main fault-lines in future looked certain to revolve around the two main social classes: the national bourgeoisie, which controlled different systems of government, and an increasingly cosmopolitan proletariat. Over revolutionary action, the international proletariat would insert the Enlightenment principles of liberty, equality and fraternity in an exclusively new world order which would free all human beings from exploitation and domination. Many traditional theorists of international relations have pointed to the failures of Marxism or historical materialism as an explanation of world history. Marxists had undervalued the vital importance of nationalism, the state and war, and the implication of the balance of power, international law and diplomacy for the structure of world politics.
Neoliberalist and neorealist both agree that National security and economic welfare are important, but the differences is in emphasis. The priority of state goals in neorealist is emphases in security issue, Grieco stated that anarchy requires states to be preoccupied with relative power, security, and survival. The priority of state goals in neoliberal is emphases in political economy. Fifth, is the concept of ‘intention versus capabilities’. Neorealism likely to emphasize capabilities more than intentions, because the uncertainties make state pay attention to capabilities.
When it comes to comparing the past with the present, the idea of globalisation is deliberated quite often. The twentieth century coined the term ‘globalisation’ as international organisations were introduced, aiming to reduce trade barriers and maintaining healthy global trade relations. On the other hand, the twenty-first century induced a fear of globalisation as companies were outsourcing their production allowing certain societies to continue development while others remained constant. In June 2016, Brexit (Britain’s exit) took place because the majority of the United Kingdom (UK) voted to leave the European Union (EU). This event exhibits people disrupting the political mandate by voting against cultural and economic globalization.
In the early 21st century, those living in the developed world encounter the effects of globalisation on a daily basis. On a most basic level, from the Internet to the food that is consumed, it is possible to instantly access a different part of the world. Globalisation has also affected lives in ways that are not instantly obvious – views, beliefs and attitudes shaped by globalisation have changed how the world is perceived. Globalisation is different in the 21st century to how it was in the 20th century, and though the most underlying difference is the rapid development of technology, there are subtle ways in which it has changed – and ways in which it has not changed at all.
Globalization is a key theme that has been discussed in almost all of the above articles. Aguilar and Herod’s (2006) article argues that cleaners in the contemporary economy continue to suffer low wages and poor working conditions because of neo-liberalization. Neo-liberalization has resulted in many companies embracing the outsourcing of employees to save up on wages and social security benefits. From Banerjee’s (2007) article, it is clear that neo-liberalization and globalization are the main reasons that have led to an increase in working hours. This has made many companies restructure job designations because they want to maintain the long working hours and low wages.
Since the late 1970s, a deep transformation of the propagation process is detectable, as contagion starts to proceed mainly through the financial side of the economy. This structural change occurred in consequence of the profound transformations of the financial system often summarised with the label of “Second Financialisation”. The neoliberal policies systematically pursued since the late 1970s aimed to liberalise the sector of finance that policy makers had strictly regulated and controlled in the Bretton Woods period. The liberalisation of cross-country capital flows in the 1980s was a crucial driver of the process of globalisation. This process produced a growing global interconnection among decision makers in economics and finance, and
Barr explains neoliberal populism or neopopulism as a “political phenomenon in which a leader attempts to build personalistic ties to the impoverished masses while pursuing neoliberal economic policies” (Barr, 2003, p. 1161). From the economic perspective, it is difficult that neoliberalism and populism coexist. Neoliberalism depends market-oriented globally competitive capitalism which is both hegemonic in region and outside while development model of classic period was based upon the potentiality of inward development via national industries. In classic period, wages increased and consumption was promoted whereas neoliberalism comprises structural adjustment packages and drastic austerity measures (freezing wages and subsidies etc.). Neopopulists carried out selectively allocated micro-level distribution tools consisting material awards or funds instead of Keynesian redistributive policies.