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Argumentative Essay: Should We Torture?

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Should We Torture?

These passages present a discussion about arguments concerning torture. This is an important debate for many Americans since torture, by its very nature, is cruel. The two positions argue whether or not the the U.S. should have the ability to use torture against terrorists. Both viewpoints have valid claims warranting consideration; for example evidence indicates that innocent people may be tortured. In contrast, opposing evidence suggests that this concern is of little significance. While both sides of the issue have valid points, the claim that torture should be used against terrorists is the stronger position, the position supported by a preponderance of the evidence cited in the passages. The most convincing and forceful reasons in support of this position are that torture can save millions of lives, terrorists may give up information unknown to us, and terrorists deserve punishment for their crimes. Accordingly, these reasons and opposing …show more content…

should torture terrorists is that torture can save millions of lives. For example, if information obtained through torture is acted upon in time, it can save thousands, if not millions of American lives. In addition, torture can save America from economic damage caused by a large-scale terrorist attack. Consequently, if torture is used to attain information used to stop a terrorist attack, it is well worth any moral cost. The second relevant point to make in support of the claim that it should be legal for the U.S. to torture terrorists is that terrorists may give up information unknown to us. To illustrate this point, high ranking leaders of terrorist groups have knowledge of terror plans and other useful information. Additionally, a high ranking leader is likely to give up this information if subjected to enough pain. In short, torture could lead not only to information sought by interrogators, but also additional

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In the article “The Case for Torture”, Michael Levin argues that the use of torture as a way to save lives is justifiable and necessary. Levin draws a series of cases where torture might be acceptable so as to set certain precedent for the justification of torture in more realistic cases. HoweverLevin illustrates three cases where torture might be justifiable.he describes a terrorist keeping city of millions hostage to an atomic bomb, the second, a terrorist who has implanted remote bombs on a plane and the third, a terrorist who has kidnapped a baby. torture and its consequences have been recorded in countries around of world over a vast span of time, and for a variety of reasons. Levin makes no such attempt to expand his article beyond

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Mahatma Gandhi, the preeminent leader of the Indian independence movement states “You can chain me, you can torture me, you can even destroy this body, but you will never imprison my mind.” This is important because torture is brutal on the body and mind. The article “Torture’s Terrible Toll” by John McCain is more convincing then the article “The Case for Torture” by Michael Levin because McCain provides more logical reasoning, he adds his own personal experience of being a captured prisoner during the Vietnam War, and he creates an emotional bond with people around the world. Through more logical reasoning McCain Argument is more valid than Levin.

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Bob Brecher’s argument is centered around being a counter-claim to Dershowitz’ Ticking Bomb scenario. The counter-claim argues that a ticking bomb scenario, as described by Dershowtiz, is unlikely to occur in the real world, due to the difficulty in apprehending a terrorist after the terrorist plot has been set in motion, but has not yet been fully executed. Even if the authorities are lucky enough to apprehend the suspect before the ticking bomb has been set to detonate, it is improbable that torture would result in the suspect revealing the plot before the bomb goes off. Brecher additionally argues that Dershowitz’ idea of using legalized torture warrants to limit torture would, on the contrary, lead to the abuse of the torture warrant system.

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The Case for Torture Wins Torture is it morally acceptable? Many have debated this argument but I would like to bring up two main conflicting view points from Michael Levin, and Marzieh Ghisai. Michael Levin is a Jewish law professor who wrote The Case for Torture where he advocates where torture is acceptable in some circumstances.

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In Michael Levin’s “The Case for Torture”, he uses many cases of emotional appeal to persuade the reader that torture is necessary in extreme cases. There are many terms/statements that stick with the reader throughout the essay so that they will have more attachment to what is being said. Levin is particularly leaning to an audience based in the United States because he uses an allusion to reference an event that happened within the states and will better relate to the people that were impacted by it. The emotional appeals used in this essay are used for the purpose of persuading the reader to agree that in extreme instances torture is necessary and the United States should begin considering it as a tactic for future cases of extremity. One major eye catching factor of this essay is the repetitive use of words that imply certain stigmas.

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In the case that there is sufficient evidence of guilt as well as coconspirators, torture may be allowed but none that is inhumane. Document B: The Massachusetts Body of Liberties allows torture in the case that somebody is deemed guilty by clear evidence. In the Laws of Connecticut Colony, no torture is allowed whatsoever. Document C: Mather advises judges to continue the regular American method of obtaining confessions and to abstain from torture, for confusion is more likely to get a confession than torture. Document D: Henry warns that Congress will attempt to extort confession by practicing torture.

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Many people might think that torture is cruel, unacceptable and it does not show humanity. In contrast, Michael Levin says that implementing torture is needed to prevent future evil acts. In “The Case for Torture”, Michael Levin also makes it clear that there are situations in which torture is not merely acceptable but morally necessary. Levin argues that implementing torture to save people lives is morally right and reasonable. Levin’s purpose of his text is to let people know that there are times when torture becomes an option to save and protect innocent lives.

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The author believes that the thoughts of enlightened societies are unwise and ascertains that there are situations whereby torture becomes morally mandatory in dealing with terrorists.

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While analyzing “The Torture Myth” and “The Case for Torture”, it is very clear to see the type of rhetorical appeals used to persuade the audience. Anne Applebaum, the writer of “The Torture Myth” --in context of the decision of electing a new Attorney General--would argue that torture is very seldomly effective, violates a person’s rights, and should be outlawed due to the irrational need upon which physical torture is used. On the other hand, Michael Levin strongly argues that physical torture is crucial to solving every imminent danger to civilians. Levin claims that if you don’t physically torture someone, you are being weak and want to allow innocent people to die over something that could have been simply done.

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Anne Applebaum states “The really interesting question is not whether torture works but why so many people in our society want to believe it works.” Applebaum is against the use of torture as she questions its effectiveness. America has operated under the false pretense that torture is a viable option for obtaining information. She argues that torture damages the country’s image and does little to acquire useful intelligence. Torture is merely a way for officers to take their anger and frustration out on detainees.

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"Erroneous Assumptions: Popular Belief in the Effectiveness of Torture Interrogation." Peace & Conflict 13.4 (2007): 429-435. Academic Search Complete. Web. 14 Feb. 2016.

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However openly allowing torture in any way will normalize its use. While Dershowitz’s proposal for warranted torture may seem appropriate in the case of the ticking bomb terrorist, the proposal is undermined by many moral and legal issues. It is easier for government officials to justify using torture in such extreme cases, but the reasons for not using torture outweigh its justifications. Dershowitz’s suggestion assumes that under a system of torture warrants that officials will refrain from torture if the warrant is rejected. There is no way to regulate interrogators and it is unlikely that a warrant will prevent interrogators from breaking the rules.

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Most of the time when someone is tortured it is because the interrogators are desperate for Important or valuable information. However, why would real “terrorist” give up valuable information that would expose their cause and what they believe in when they know they are going to die one way or the other. This just goes to show that the “suspected terrorist” are in fact suspected and aren’t real terrorist and shouldn’t be

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Evidence received from these terrorists, are most of the time, time-sensitive. Obtaining information can be used in a variety of ways. Either the military can manipulate the information it to their advantage or use the information to save lives. More than likely, if the future attack is on United States soil, they will do everything in their power to prepare for the attack or prevent the catastrophe. Torturing of terrorists gives military and police personnel the necessary means to get sensitive information in a timely manner.

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In 2003 the US military relied on the confession taken from Sheikh al-Libi in which it was claimed that Iraq supplied both chemical and biological weapons to Al Qaeda. This testimony was used in the month leading up to the invasion of Iraq. Later al-Libi retracted his statement saying that he did so in order to make the torture stop. This is a clear example of the ineffectiveness of torture and the bad consequences it can often produce. The CIA had forgotten its own conclusion, sent to congress in 1989, that ‘inhumane physical or psychological techniques are counterproductive because they do not produce intelligence and will probably result in false answers.’

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