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African american and reconstruction during and after
African american and reconstruction during and after
African american and reconstruction during and after
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These social classifications were negatively affected in the following ways; Loyalists left the United States, women’s legal and political status were unchanged, and Native Americans were removed from their land. Yet social classifications were positively impacted; as a large number of white men gained the right to vote as the property requirements were removed, and the Northern states began to free
(Out of Many, p. 368) This requirement for readmission likely aggravated Democrats and planters, who feared the influx of Republican votes and objected to the African Americans’ freedom to
For African-Americans facing opposition from antagonistic whites and Jim Crow laws leaving the South made political, social, and economic sense. The South was adversely affected by the decision of African-Americans leaving the South. There are three ways in which the Southern States were affected by the Great Migration.
There have been many movements over time that has led America to where we are today. “The Antebellum reforms was a new, more radical anti-slavery movement that emerged by the early 1830s. Its program for ending slavery stood in stark contrast to the “colonizationist” position earlier advocated by some prominent Americans and embodied in the American Colonization Society (1816–1964)”. (Walters, 1995) This reforms were put into place to better everyone as well as their families.
While Reconstruction after the Civil War seemed to have promise for former slaves, there were still many hardships. President Andrew Johnson’s leniency with the south during this decisive period allowed for there to be debate over what the fate of freed slaves should be. Some believed that continuing to work in the fields they were once slaves in was the best option for blacks because of their past as field workers, while others believed that there were more options for blacks than just farm work as seen in the schools built in the south for the black population by the Freedman’s Bureau. However, the question still remained as to what freedom for blacks truly meant. People’s opinions on what freedom for ex-slaves needed to be depended exclusively on their race and their socioeconomic status.
As people began to make new of something they have killed it as well. It was in the 1800’s after the Civil War when reconstruction started to form reconstruction. With grant as the president of the United States, reconstruction was formed to help transition after the civil war to reconnect the states and help freedmen into society. There was an opposing terrorist group known as the KKK. Their goal was to end reconstruction and belittle freedman.
For example, a few African Americans were elected to Congress and others took seats in state and local governments. However, the unscrupulous nature of the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacy groups, in lieu with the Black Codes, began to threaten African Americans and steal back their equal rights . Also, in the Slaughterhouse Cases, the Supreme Court aided in brutally limit those equal rights of African Americans. Due to the malfunction of Reconstruction to grant ethnic egalitarianism, African Americans would be liberated but demoralized, middle-class citizens well into the 20th
Another major scholar concerning slavery and the Civil War, Foner, in his book, argues that Reconstruction constituted a major period in American history, a time period that was the “beginning of an extended historical process: the adjustment of American society to the end of slavery.” This adjustment varied on a number of levels, most notably seen in the south, but Foner argues that it was the northern ideals found in the United States government, specifically Radical Republicans, that deserve the blame for the failure in Reconstruction. One of the strongest ideologies that Foner recognizes as present among congressmen was the free labor ideology, and Foner argues that free labor ideology after the Civil War failed on account of political action to empower African Americans was largely ignored. Foner argues that it was this failure and “erosion” of free labor ideology that had previously united Republicans “to remake Southern society in accordance with the principles of free labor and legal and political equality… made possible a resurgence of overt racism that undermined support for Reconstruction.” It was this empowerment taken on by the federal government that led to the growth and expansion of radical movements in the south who took more autonomy and favored less government involvement.
After the Civil War in 1865, Republicans in Congress introduced a series of Constitutional Amendments to secure civil and political rights for African Americans. The right that gave black men the privilege to vote provoked the greatest controversy, especially in the North. In 1867, Congress passed the law and African American men began voting in the South, but in the North, they kept denying them this basic right (“African Americans,” 2016). Republicans feared that they would eventually lose control of Congress on the Democrats and thought that their only solution was to include the black men votes. Republicans assumed that all African American votes would go to all the Republicans in the North, as they did in the South and by increasing the
The Lost Cause was a set of attitudes, beliefs, white Southern ideals and arguments that coalesced together to form the white Southern narrative of Reconstruction, and the American Civil War. According to Blight, “for many Southerners it became a natural extension of evangelical piety, a civil religion that helped them link their sense of loss to a Christian conception of history. ”(Blight, 257) Moreover, the basic precepts of the Lost Cause movement was founded upon the idea of Southern victimhood, and Federal aggression that resulted with the decline and ignominious fall
African Americans were allowed to vote however they were intimidated fear their lives to both so it was useless. Newly freed slaves were aided through the usage of federal laws and constitutional amendments. Former slaves were enabled to vote, own property, legally marriage, receive and education and file lawsuits. This extended the power of the newly freedmen. Women were jealous because they still weren't allowed to vote or have a say in
While there were exceptions of individuals fighting for more than equality by law for African Americans, such as John D. Baldwin who argued “a question concerning human rights” (Frederickson 379), there were racist ideals held that transcended political parties and regional affiliations alike. Radical democrats sought the most resistance with political leaders such as Representative James Brooks who preached in opposition to integration by claiming “the negro is not the equal of the white man, much less his master” (Frederickson 379). Arguments of black inferiority became based upon the false ethnology presented by Josiah Nott that physically and mentally ranked the black race below other races. Even radical republicans became contradictory in their views claiming African Americans were different due to their inability to conquer and dominate like white people had; insinuating that white domination could not be challenged. Although there was a period following the Reconstruction Acts of 1867 and 1868 in which former slaves were granted citizenship, their involvement in politics became rendered by the lack of education previously provided to slaves and inability of “withstanding the economic, political, and paramilitary opposition of the white majority” (Frederickson 382).
But, when these officials were elected to Congress, they passed the “black codes” and thus the relations between the president and legislators became worst (Schriefer, Sivell and Arch R1). These so called “Black Codes” were “a series of laws to deprive blacks of their constitutional rights” that they were enacted mainly by Deep South legislatures. Black Codes differ from a state to another but they were stricter in the Deep South as they were sometimes irrationally austere. (Hazen 30) Furthermore, with the emergence of organizations such as the Red Shirts and the White League with the rise of the Conservative White Democrats’ power, efforts to prevent Black Americans from voting were escalating (Watts 247), even if the Fifteenth Amendment to the U.S constitution that gave the Blacks the right to vote had been ratified in 1870.
Between that time, African American Families moved from the South to the North and to the West. Following the Civil War, many African Americans had packed up and migrated to urbanized areas like Chicago and New York. By 1920, almost 300,000 African Americans had moved away from the south, Harlem being a very popular destination for the traveling families. New arrivals found jobs in slaughterhouses, factories and foundries, but working conditions were strenuous to their bodies and sometimes dangerous. Many didn 't consider the amounts of people that would be migrating to New York and that made competition for living space harder.
Between 1910 and 1930, African Americans migrated from the rural South to the urban North in search of better economic opportunities and as a means of escaping the racism of the South, but they were disillusioned with what they encountered. To begin, African Americans still experienced racism—segregation, profiling, and unjust law enforcement—In the North, though it was more subtle. As a result, blacks were forced into lower-paying jobs than whites. Thus, while the northern white, middle-class population grew wealthier during the post-WWI economic boom and were moving to the suburbs, blacks and other poor, working-class groups were left in the cities, the state of which grew progressively