MEDIAST10 Essay #1
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Molina 1Noah Molina04 October 2024ILAND: A Reflection of Industry Standards in the K-Pop IndustryK-Pop idols in training undergo rigorous paths to debut as a group member in theindustry, one of these methods being through K-Pop survival shows, a form of reality TV.ILAND, a survival show that aired in 2020 produced by Mnet and organized by Belift Lab,formed the group Enhypen as audiences watched members secure debut placements for thegroup in real time. Reality TV shows in general are usually purposed to create hegemonic orcounter-hegemonic messages, hegemonic meaning to control dominant ideologies through themedia, while counter-hegemonic means to utilize media to challenge these ideological powerstructures. Jon Kraszewski, a writer, details these structures in which reality TV producersmanipulate their shows to align with their ideological envisions, so they “...choose specific typesof people to represent reality on their shows, and they structure interpersonal conflicts andrelationships through serial narratives” (Kraszweski 194). Through the producers manipulatingthe show, ILAND reinforces hegemonic messages by highlighting meritocratic narratives,divided locations representing distinct skill levels, and a selected casting of trainees to promotethe dominant ideology that idols succeed in the K-pop scene through industry standards such ashard work and audience appeal.ILAND establishes a meritocratic narrative to represent how only the most talentedindividuals will get to debut in the final lineup, idealizing this as the standard for reality. In theshow, only the top seven contestants become idols, and these rankings are based on their abilitiesand impressions among audiences through a voting system. The more talented an individual is,
Molina 2the higher their chances of debut become because “musical achievements at the level oftransformational achievement are characterized by the volume of professional artistic output”(McPherson 95). Since the audiences and judges are the ones deciding who gets to debut, thecontestants who stand out are those who shine on the stage and have higher levels of talentclearly outlined in comparison to the other contestants. While talent can partly be a result ofgenetics, it is mostly the outcome of one’s dedication to training their specific skill-sets.Heeseung, a member of Enhypen, was an obvious contestant to debut from the start due to himbeing noticeably the most skilled performer with the longest period of training compared toeveryone else. John Fiske, a media scholar, references how the ideological meaning behind acelebrity is more important than the products they produce, and Heeseung is a symbol ofcumulative years of training. The intention behind ILAND was to scout the “cream of the crop”amidst the trainees to debut a successful group, since “the performance quality of KPop groups isdetermined by their singing and dancing skills, lyrics that reflect social concerns, concertsatisfaction, and visual attractiveness” (Ma, Zhuang, et al.). Now, Enhypen is currently one of themost successful K-Pop groups of the 4th generation, stemming from the group’shigh-performance quality since each member utilized consistent perseverance and ambitionwhile they were still contestants on the show. The producers represent the industry standard thatworking hard leads to a higher chance of success, by structuring the show in a way where thismessage is clearly conveyed, highlighting Kraszewski’s point of producers manipulatingnarratives. As audiences watched ILAND progress, they noticed which members pushed thehardest which was reflected during their performances, earning them the votes to succeed inEnhypen.
Molina 3The contestants of ILAND are divided into two locations that are reflective of their skilllevels to represent the results of perseverance and to reflect the real-life application of theseboundaries. They are isolated into either the “I-Land,” a luscious space for the top twelvecontestants at a time, or the “Ground,” where the other contestants share a highly tightenvironment. As a result, contestants on the ground form tighter bonds, and “better teams makefor better processes … groups of engaged and effective team players tap into diverseperspectives and fields of expertise” (Doris). This aligns with Kraszewski’s ideologies sinceinterpersonal relationships are naturally forced through the show’s structure. The purpose of the“Ground” is to mentally fuel the desires of the “Grounders” to strive for the top, reinforcing thehegemonic message that having more ambition is a greater catalyst to training harder for success.When the camera points to the Grounders, the audiences feel more inclined to vote for thembecause “‘when an underdog wins, [they] feel like [they] have a chance to overcome the odds,increasing [their] feelings of hope …[they] think [the underdogs] are trying harder – that they’veearned it’” (Wakefield). The show’s producers structured this barrier between those in the I-Landand those on the Ground to purposefully have underdogs that the audience can root for to capturethe industry distinction between trainees who are in compact conditions under smaller labelsversus idols who live lavishly if they are under successful, global labels. Stuart Hall, a culturaltheorist, references how media is “splitting,” meaning it establishes boundaries between socialgroups to maintain social order through power inequalities. Idols, regardless of their status, arealways seen in these conditions due to consistency in being on-screen, but “the publication of aphotograph may be very damaging to personal privacy, enabling easy identification of acelebrity” (Barendt). To reflect this onto the show, the producers placed cameras around the
Molina 4location since it is an industry-standard to be subject to constant photography or videography.Even outside of the show itself, there were “contestant cams” that aired during the show’s seasonwhere viewers could view what the idols were doing in real-time, even when they were not beingfilmed for the show itself. By seeing the difference in living spaces, audiences are reinforced bythe industry standard to consistently push idols to strive for the best versions of themselves.The show’s producers selected its contestants to fit the expectations of typical K-Popbeauty standards to attract a more engaging audience appeal. There were twenty-threecontestants to start, each coming as a trainee under various music labels which the producersscouted. To ensure this, show producers “select audition participants recruited with variouscriteria … several agencies also pay attention to participants in terms of physical aspects, namelythe face and body posture's visual appeal to attract fans” (Aini, Ayu Nur, et al. 60). The ideologythat idols in Korea have a “beauty standard” is highly hegemonic to the industry, and the closeran idol is to that “perfect face,” their chances of popularity increase due to audience attachment.So, similar to Kraszewski’s idea of producers choosing specific people to represent the reality oftheir show, the producers pre-selected the contestants based on their potential to fit this standardto increase the overall success of the show and final debut lineup. Sometimes, idols put in theeffort to “...drastically change their appearance [to] feed into the toxic beauty standards of tryingto look a certain way so that they’re more appealing to the public eye” (The Effects of KoreanBeauty Standards on Korean Pop Idols2). During the course of ILAND, these contestants wouldundergo intense diets, rigorous workout routines, and hours of makeup and styling efforts to havethat “idol appeal” and gain more audience votes through correlation to the beauty standard. Theproducers integrated this aspect into the show by placing these gyms and beauty spaces around
Molina 5them, and even if it is unscripted for the contestants to follow this routine, they aresubconsciously aware that it is the “idol mentality” to do so. With this, “K-pop is one the majorreinforcers of the unrealistic beauty standards rooted in Korean society, as it is especiallyharmful to the confidence and mental health of young people and normalizes dangerousskin-bleaching creams and eating disorders” (Valge, Claudia, and Maari Hinsberg). Duringinterviews in the show, the contestants would often describe their built-up stress and unhealthypractices, yet the producers chose to include these segments since they are realistic to the K-popstandard. In media studies, this can be seen as a dystopian practice since the content isexploitative and formulaic which is thus directly harmful to society, yet this “dystopia” is anattitude normalized in Korea. Therefore, audiences are being reminded that “idol beauty” is a keyfactor when it comes to industry standards since the contestants are visual manifestations of thisideology.By showcasing meritocratic narratives, dividing the show's locations to representdifferent skill levels, and carefully choosing trainees, the producers manipulate ILAND to furtherthe dominant ideology that idols in the K-pop scene succeed by following industry standards likehard work and audience appeal. ILAND, as a form of Reality TV, is unscripted yet still designedto spread the hegemonic ideologies that these industry standards lay out the traditional pathwayof becoming an idol. The contestants of ILAND naturally gravitated towards the “idol mentality”through rigorous training to become better performers and unhealthy diets to maintain the beautystandard, all of which reflect how the industry realistically operates. Kraszewski’s centralmessage that these constructed narratives allow the show’s main themes to be representative inits fullest aligns with how ILAND’s structured the show to be representative of the idol reality.
Molina 6While this reality can appear harmful, it is instilled in Korean culture and global audiencesrecognize the K-Pop industry as so, and ILAND depicts this normality in a way that can stillappear entertaining through the medium of Reality TV.
Molina 7Works CitedAini, Ayu Nur, et al. “K-Pop’s Popularity Strategy in the International Arena.”View ofK-Pop’s Popularity Strategy in the International Arena,nstproceeding.com/index.php/nuscientech/article/view/395/380. Accessed 4 Oct. 2024.Barendt, Eric M.Freedom of Speech. Clarendon Press, 1985.Doris, Áine. “Why Working-Class Americans Struggle to Make It (and Why It Matters).”EmoryBusiness.Com, 26 July 2021,www.emorybusiness.com/2021/07/08/why-working-class-americans-struggle-to-make-it-and-why-it-matters/.The Effects of Korean Beauty Standards on Korean Pop Idols,www.kauai.hawaii.edu/sites/www.kauai.hawaii.edu/files/pdf/events/CreativeWritingContest_pdf/Tugade_EffectsKoreanBeautyStandards.pdf. Accessed 5 Oct. 2024.Kraszewski, Jon.Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture. New York University Press,2009.Ma, Zhuang, et al.Frontiersin, Mar. 2022,www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.881886/endnote.McPherson, Gary.The Oxford Handbook of Music Performance. Oxford University Press,2022.Valge, Claudia, and Maari Hinsberg. “The Capitalist Control of K-Pop: The Idol as a
Molina 8Product.”ICDS, 6 Aug. 2020,icds.ee/en/the-capitalist-control-of-k-pop-the-idol-as-a-product/.Wakefield, Kirk. “Expert Answers the Question: ‘Why Do We Root for the Underdog?’”Media and Public Relations | Baylor University,news.web.baylor.edu/news/story/2014/expert-answers-question-why-do-we-root-underdog.Accessed 4 Oct. 2024.