The modern state Christopher Pierson focuses on a normative illustration of the modern state – how it should be. The following discussion tries to summarize the essence of three features. (Monopoly) control of the means of violence Thomas Hobbes came up with his idea of the ‘Common Power’ – the Great Leviathan – owning all the means of violence and ruling over the people. Engels talks about power as ‘arisen out of society but placing itself above it’, meaning that the people give all their power to a higher institution and accepting its rule over them. Weber, in his attempt to define the state, mentions ‘monopoly…of physical force’ claimed by a human community. (Pierson, 2011, p. 7) They all developed an idea of what we today see as a characteristic …show more content…
As such entities they ‘occupy an increasingly clearly defined physical space’ and ‘claim sole legitimate authority’. He states, that this feature of statehood is widely recognized by writers such as Hobbes, Engels, Weber, Mann and Giddens. (Pierson, 2011, p. 9) As he further illustrates, clearly defined borders are a rather new development that distinguishes the modern state from e.g. pre-modern empires. The latter, while being mostly extensive, had often vague physical limits(frontiers) and ‘rule was concentrated to the center of the empire’, meaning that outlaying territory was more independent in terms of governance and administration. In contrast the modern state is eager to protect its ‘territorial integrity’- keeping its complete territory under its jurisdiction - if necessary with war. (Pierson, 2011, p. 10) States … lay claim not just to jurisdiction over a particular tract of land, but also … to the coastal waters that surround it …, to the airspace above it and, most importantly, to the people who inhabit it. (Pierson, 2011, p. …show more content…
The latter is not only limited to the question of borders but contains in general all relations between governments and inter-governmental institutions like the UN. The discipline of international relations is dealing with this more recently developing external aspect of sovereignty. (Pierson, 2011, pp. 134-135) To come back to the internal aspects: Hinsley describes sovereignty as a unique, ‘final and absolute authority’, but in addition Pierson notes, that the sovereign may not do whatever it wants. He supports his argument with Hobbes’ view, who also sees ‘limitations upon the lawful authority of the Sovereign’ and Hobbes further sees the protection of the subject as a requirement for the sovereign’s qualification. (Pierson, 2011, pp. 11-12;
The late 1700s was a fresh start for The United States. After gaining independence from Britain in 1776, the newly independent colony needed unity in the face of a revolutionary war. This unity came in the form of The Articles of Confederation, which was a proto-constitution which held the different states together during the war. It was soon realized that the Articles raised more questions and created more problems than it solved- in the words of Alexander Hamilton “[The Articles of Confederation] were neither fit for war nor peace.”
Changes in values over time coupled with the freedom of states to secede could foreseeably result in a back and forth of secession and annexation of states. If the freedom to secede was a process with ease, the decision to do so could be made that much more flippantly and often at the cost of the citizens. Citizens would suffer the most, especially those reliant on the resources and opportunities provided by the federal government. Without belonging to it’s host nation, a state would be left to its own devices in terms of providing funding to sustain itself and its citizens (Pavkovic and Radan, 2007). The changes resulting from secession may be abrupt in nature, would most certainly upend the everyday lives of the people and would be accompanied with numerous consequences (Stepan, 1970).
In political science, states have a legal monopoly on violence within their sovereignty; in reality, this means a Government’s domestic policing powers are largely unconstrained, as it can justly, or unjustly, coerce, imprison, and murder in the name of the public. Yet in modern America, and most of the western world, constitutional checks and balances have constrained state interference; these limits specifically curtail a state’s policing power by protecting the individual’s autonomy from political tyranny and partiality. These so-called ‘natural rights’, liberties, or protections originated from the Enlightenment, and established the importance of individuals in relation to their societies and states. Modernity thinkers such as Tocqueville
With it, he justifies absolute monarchy, his ideal political regime. According to him, the sovereign needs unconditional obedience — the sine qua non condition for a state of peace, unless he is unable to keep the people safe. His Leviathan is created by the union of men, the head being the ruler and the body the people: “For by art is created that great ‘Leviathan’ called a ‘Commonwealth’ or ‘State,’ in Latin civitas, which is but an artificial man, though of greater stature and strength than the natural, for whose protection and defense it was intended; and in which the ‘sovereignty’ is an artificial ‘soul,’ as giving life and motion to the whole body”. Authority is what is preserving the state: “Covenants, without the sword, are but words and of no strength to secure a man at all.” Hobbes is trying to reinstate this sense of unity in political community even though he paints the absolute monarch as a god, rising above the covenant.
Despite their different opinions on the role fear should play in preserving a political order Niccolo Machiavelli and Thomas Hobbes both assert that fear is an important element of functional societies. Machiavelli’s The Prince primarily focuses on preserving and expanding a ruler’s position, while Hobbes’s Leviathan primary focus is on constructing an ideal commonwealth to escape the “state of nature”. Machiavelli believes that a ruler should use fear as a tool to maintain his position of power, while Hobbes believes that the use of fear should be to ensure the sanctity of contracts in a Commonwealth, the most important contractual obligations being the obligation between sovereigns and their subjects. Hobbes’s belief that fear should be used
The states retain their identity yet are also subject to the regulation of the federal government; herein lies the premise behind the development of international law. Baber and Bartlett advocate for the philosophies of deliberative democracy to govern the
Thomas Hobbes in his Leviathan and Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his Discourse on Inequality and Social Contract each attempt to explain the rise of and prescribe the proper management of human society. At the foundation of both philosophies is the principle that humans are asocial by nature, a precept each philosopher interprets and approaches in a different way. Hobbes states that nature made humans relatively “equal,” and that “every man is enemy to every man.” Life is “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short,” he says, and “every man has right to everything.” Rousseau outlines primitive asocial man having “everything necessary for him to live in the state of nature” from “instinct alone,” and being “neither good nor evil.”
In other words, he regards that men should have autonomy and ruled not by the authority of a small group of people, named a state. However, this notion of state has been criticized because without the state society cannot maintain its peace and order. If there is
Thomas Hobbes was an English Philosopher who is best known for his thoughts on how people could live in peaceful unity while bypassing the dangers and fear of social conflict. This was all explained in one of the most persuasive books ever written, called Leviathan. The book focused on the evolution of society. Such as how to follow rules, become more mature, civilized citizens, and unite when in danger, instead of fighting amongst one another. This is why he wrote the book during the English Civil War (1642-1651) to influence people to open up their eyes and realize that they are one nation united and shouldn’t fight over religious disputes, but instead have a country where people are free to believe whatever religion they please.
Thomas Hobbes described that life in a state of nature would be “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” In addition, no one would be able to survive in an Anarchy society where there is no order and the safeguard of others is at risk. Therefore, governments require for citizens to surrender some freedom to obtain the benefits of the government. Thus, the government has preserved its two major purposes: maintaining order and providing public goods to the public and an uprising purpose of promoting equality. The main and oldest purpose of government is to maintain order by establishing laws to preserve life and protect property.
The notion of modern state started emerging in the sixteenth century and with the span of time, this idea of modern state became universal through conquest and overpowering. Modern state, i.e. the enriched and the precise form of absolutist state aspires for the pursuit of central power in the state and makes its way regularized for the national system of power to get implemented. The concept of modern state has been there since the Westphalia Peace Treaty in the mC17. But even before that peace treaty, the similar form of state was there in the form of imperialism and there existed the princely states which used to be governed by the imperial authorities. Now with the formation of modern state the other forms of power structures has become weak and has now been exhausted.
Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau have become known as three of the most prominent political theorists in the world today. Their philosophies and innovative thinking is known worldwide and it has influenced the creation of numerous new governments. All three thinkers agree on the idea of a social contract but their opinions differ on how the social contract is established and implemented within each society. These philosophers state, that in order for the social contract to be successful people need to give up certain freedoms in order to secure fundamental protections from the state, henceforth the state then has certain responsibilities to their citizens. Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau all believe that before men were governed we all lived in a state of nature.
Hidden In Plain Sight Divy Agnihotri Pennsylvania State University Tibet, is it an independent state? Much has been debated about the current situation of the mystical nation, but one thing for sure is Tibet is an interesting case. Most Tibetans will tell you Tibet is an independent nation and has been since 1912, and the occupation by China is illegal. On the same token, the Chinese will argue Tibet came into Chinese rule in the 18th century, and it is simply being reclaimed after British imperialism ended in Asia. Both sides can be argued, but for the purpose of this essay, we will use the Weberian definition by which a state is “an entity that controls a monopoly on the legitimate use of force” ("Free Tibet |").
Firstly, an absolute monarchy as proposed by Hobbes would require that people relinquish their own rights and to submit to one absolute power, which Locke feels is counterintuitive his understand of humans in the state of nature. A distinctive feature of Locke’s state of nature is perfect freedom for people to carry out their own wills without hindrance. Hence, Locke’s main critique of Hobbes’ absolutism is that people living under a Hobbesian
The question is whether a matter is essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of a state or not has to be decided by the Security Council which is controlled by the five permanent members of the United Nations. The availability of the veto power in the hands of the permanent members of the Security Council is a major obstacle in solving international problems. There is no certainty for international law. The international law has failed to maintain order and peace in the world for many