protection and ensure discipline among their children (Hoang and Yeoh 2011; Parreñas 2006). As husbands, they are virile partners (Angeles 2001; Pingol 2000, 2001). Categorizations do not denote distinct spheres; they may overlap and contradict each other (Hoang and Yeoh 2011). Nonetheless, Pingol’s (2000, 2001) Ilocano men show that masculinity may be perceived negatively. Contrary to being respectable, in-control, and self-reliant (kinalalaki), a man is exerting his malalaki when he engages in violence and vices (Pingol 2000, 2001).
When fathers migrate, gender ideologies remain intact. Men maintain their authority and dominance over households not only in decision making, but in women’s submissiveness and complete dependence on their husbands (Parredo and Flippen 2005). They provide the main
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Their role, however, is not passive. The lack of employment of some husbands makes them the subject of ridicule by their extended family members (specifically prevalent among the wives’ family) and members of their community (Pingol 2001). While other factors such as sexual desires are considered, Pingol (2000, 2001) observes a reinforcing of traditional sexual division of labor through several instances by actors such as in-laws, and by the wives themselves. Accordingly, the subsequent parental neglect has adverse effects on other family members. Husbands’ dissent exacerbates the roles of both children and extended family (Pingol 2001). An example can be found in eldest daughters (Parreñas 2005; Pingol 2001). The absence of a motherly figure forces them to act as a parent to her younger siblings (Parreñas 2005; Pingol 2001). Acting as mothers prevents daughters from engaging in pursuits of women or children her age and may harbor ill feelings towards their parents for their absence (Angeles 2001; Pingol