As Bauman et. al. argue in their essay “Public Housing, Isolation, and the Urban Underclass”, the federal public projects systematically disrupted the formation community by forbidding extended kin
The book Camden After the Fall shows the city’s development process and its efforts to get out of poverty. Camden has ongoing consequences of failed policy attempts. This book shows us the economic recovery and the structural and contextual factors that impede Camden, New Jersey’s search for growth. According to the author Howard Gillette Jr., the sources of Camden’s on-going problems are multifaceted with Migration patterns, racial make-up, the low-level labor supply, the lack of public financing dollars, and levels of social capital.
David F. Garrison’s article on District of Columbia’s Elected Advisory Neighborhood Commissions main purpose is to give the strengths and weakness of the Advisory Neighborhood Commission or ANC, however the article does a better job at explaining how the ANC is being used by DC’s City Council and other industries and that it is not needed. First, Garrison starts off talking about the structure of the ANC and how it was formed. DC is only ten square miles, however; there are over thirty-seven ANCs. There is no need for all of these separate ANCs in such a small area.
In his Book, Off the Books: The Underground Economy of the Urban Poor, Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh, explains that in the early-nineties while doing field work in the Southside of Chicago he gravitated to a predominantly working-poor black community near his field site (ix). Venkatesh describes the ten-squared block community as being in disrepair very much like the high-rises that were being torn down in the surrounding area (iv). In the presence of some “greystones” and “brownstones” Venkatesh noticed vacant lots, beat-up homes, and what he perceived to be inadequate city involvement in the community -streets need fixing, and trash pick-up was lacking (x). There were also closed storefronts and burned-out buildings in the area (Venkatesh, 92).
The author acknowledges that capitalist globalization and neoliberalism have created the deplorable economic conditions in which many Oakland residents live. He alludes to the need to change the “social order” of impoverished communities and the “social contexts” in which individuals make vital choices about their lives. However, he eschews any call for systematic social change and instead hopes that policymakers will change policies and redistribute resources from criminal justice programs to “nurturing institutions.” Such hopes are undoubtedly well-intentioned, but they pale in comparison with the social problems the author has so capably illuminated. In the end, Rios avoids any acknowledgment that the end of anti-working class and racist repression, the progressive transformation of social institutions, and the massive redistribution of material resources will require the abolition of capitalism and the development of a new socialist
The community of the City of Asbury Park is one of the poorest in the State of New Jersey. As of now, the City’s local economy does not fulfill or generate enough financial resources or opportunities for all of its residents to transcend or be uplifted from poverty. The consequences of not having comprehensible and consistent economic policies are the roots for dilapidated housing, crime, and unemployment. The cycle of poverty and dissolve of the middle class has weakened the community of Asbury Park, and it has trapped many individuals and harmed their upward mobility.
Many proponents as well as advocates of gentrification like to use in many regard as code words to back up their claim that gentrification brings “revitalization” “urban renewal” and more importantly “enhances” the community. However, these are what many who are critical of gentrification deem to be “ code words”, because they appear to be ones that exude positivity when they are in fact not expressing the full story of the argument, because underneath this creeping positivity. There still exists this form of stereotyping that minorities, or those from lower socioeconomic means cannot create something that is unique or successful on their own. Furthermore, what existed in their communities before gentrification was one that brought little to no value to society.
A system that is built upon discrimination will continue to discriminate until major interventions are devised and upheld throughout the community (Reskin, 2012). Badger (2016) explains that after recent peaceful protests in Baltimore, the mayor spoke out and blamed “thugs” for these “riots”. The protest aimed to explain citizen’s frustrations with the institutions oppressing them, and exemplify the significance of how interrelated disparities are in communities (Badger, 2012). The mayor failed to acknowledge that we have created slums and prolonged the poverty in these neighborhoods. She ignored that disparities are all connected, such that living in a poor neighborhood typically leads to a poor education, then to a very low level job, and that then inherently lowers their health outcomes (Massey and Denton, 1993).
The new development in progression today shows the idea of how marketable land around the city is and how diverse neighborhoods cause for better funding and better relationships between people of different ethnicities and cultures. Even though the Chicago Race Riots was a negative event, over the years its effects became positive. As a result of all the looting and burning down businesses, it gave the developers a chance to integrate new business ideas and housing plans to help advance the community in the future. This is one of the major historical events used today as a lesson taught to students to eliminate
According to William Julius Wilson in When Jobs Disappear the transition from the institutional/Communal Ghetto to the Jobless/Dark Ghetto was driven by economic transformations in American from the late 1960’s to the 1990’s. While for Logic Waquant in Urban Outsiders, thought the economic factors were significant; the political factors were more impact. William Julius Wilson most studied about south side of Chicago it’s a classical example of inner city its wasn’t like before in the 1960’s it’s was a community and by the late 70’s the community was gone. According to Wilson, even though it’s was gone the community was not even a wealth community its was a poor community the majority member of that community where indeed Black American
In the words of Michael Eric Dyson, “Hurricane Katrina was a spectacle of disaster, disaster colored by race, by class, by poverty, issues that the administration and the American people to a frightening degree have neglected.” The city of New Orleans that was highly advancing in the market and economy, faced criticism after viewers on media pointed fingers at the disproportionate amount of poor African Americans amidst the wealthy white Caucasians that perished in the low-lying East of New Orleans. Yet, in a rush to save face as the catastrophe that was deeply embedded in the “filth” (Democracy Now) of structural racism made headlines worldwide, as well as to discourage the people who criticized his inability to adequately respond to the needs
Incorporating analysis’s from material provide in the Development and the City course at the University of Guelph, it is believed that a significant issues is the means to which governments invests in their people. Within cities, municipal governments are often more interested in modernizing than addressing the major structural concerns mentioned above. Furthermore, social inequalities do not just expand across cities, rather this is a problem that engulf the entire nation, which Boo also points to. This can especially be seen when
Situated in historically marginalized racial minority and urban communities it results in the impoverished community being ill-prepared to compete in neoliberalism’s rules of engagement because such communities have little economic, social or political power. The remainder of this essay will address current rebuilding strategies in Baltimore within the framework of the three strategies of urban neliberalization described above (see table 1 for outline). Before doing so it is important to provide context from the past ways racialized neoliberalization community building existed pre-late1900’s. While the label “neoliberalization” became synonymous with the evolving US political economy during the Reagan administration, many of its strategies have been in practice for decades previous, perhaps with greater government oversight, more social welfare, and not as much private ownership of public goods -as a white supremacist liberal political economic system (Kendall 2003). The right of the white individual to secure outcomes in their best interest through a free market system permeates the past liberal and current neoliberal political economies of the US.
Title: Gentrifying Chicago neighborhoods. General Purpose: To inform my audience of Gentrification in the Norther part of Chicago around the 1960s. Specific Purpose: At the end of my speech, the audience will understand the meaning of gentrification, how Puerto Rican families in the Northern part of Chicago lost their homes to Gentrification, how they fought against gentrification, and how gentrification is now occurring to Mexican families in the Southern part of Chicago. Thesis: Puerto Rican families lost their homes in the 1960s when Lincoln Park was gentrified despites their best efforts, and today Mexican families are losing their homes in Pilsen to gentrification. Introduction I. Attention: What would you risk in order to continue having a home?
The Voting Age: To Lower or Not to Lower? The issue of who gets to vote and who does not has always been a struggle in our country. When our country’s constitution was ratified, only white men were allowed to cast a vote in any election.
