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Rri And Neoliberalism Similarities

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6. A tale of two subjects: responsible agents in neoliberalism and RRI The preceding sections has briefly described the main features of the two heterogeneous topics we are examining: Responsible Research and Innovation on the one hand, and neoliberalism on the other hand. At a first glance, a striking similarity concerns the insistence on a clearly entrepreneurial view of the responsible subject. The following paragraphs examine further this aspect, as it seems instructive to illustrate the similarities and differences between the ways in which RRI and neoliberalism defines responsibility. We suggest the following dimensions are significant for this comparison: 1. Temporal orientation: responsibility is, in both cases, inherently future-oriented …show more content…

Relation to uncertainty: both RRI and neoliberalism assume uncertainty as opening opportunities for action rather than a motivation for adopting a merely precautionary stance. It is uncertainty that opens the possibility to purposefully pursue individual and collective goals. With uncertainty, comes opportunity. It is important to notice that we do not maintain that RRI excludes precaution, but the ambition to shape the trajectories of research and innovation in their initial stage is certainly predominant. This idea of powerful, yet prudential agency resounds in the neoliberal idea of reflexive, entrepreneurial agents maximizing the “return on investment” of their actions and …show more content…

However, a closer look can demonstrate that this is not the case, as the discussion above has sought to clarify. On the contrary, neoliberalism has a distinct view of society and of the links between individuals and the collective, which are commonly based on the “prudent management of self and others” that Lessenich (20012) associates to neosociality. Interestingly enough, the collective dimension of responsibility in RRI is the similar result of the interaction of “mutually responsive” societal actors (von Schomberg 2013, Owen et al. 2013), rather than, like it happens in what we have called the “paradigm of safety”, of objective conditions for and consequences of action that, in turn, determine a shared, collective, and equal responsibility (see, for instance, the logic underlying Jonas’s (1984) categorical imperative to maintain the possibility of human life on earth). What marks a difference between the two is how individual and collective responsibilities are coordinated. Neoliberalism is (neo)social insofar it considers common good as the consequence

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Thomas J. Di Lorenzo was born on August 8, 1954. He was an American economic professor at Loyola University Maryland Sellinger School of Business since 1992 and identifies himself as an believer of the Austrian School of economics. He is a member of the research team at The Independent Institute, a senior associate of the Ludwig von Mises Institute. He holds a Doctor of Philosophy in Economics in Virginia Technology. He became professor in a few universities in the US and wrote many books and articles containing controversial issues about economic situation and political issues.

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Introduction In the article “Morality and the Liberal Ideal,” Michael Sandel argues that liberalism is on an unstable foundation that seems fragile with a morally unclear basis and wants to offer some possible options in order to make the foundation stronger. Sandel brings about the claims of relativism, utilitarianism, Kantianism, which ultimately he argues are problematic as well. Furthermore, Sandel offers what he believes to be the best foundation; communitarianism and shows this to be an alternative to the problem at hand. Sandel strongest point for refuting the foundation of utilitarianism is the evidence he provides showing that the principle of utilitarianism is strongly focused on the welfare of the masses.

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Authoritarian theory was not understanding her imaginative thoughts and giving her some time in satisfaction of her objective. In this novel, Rand has different thought and contends that all human advance and success rely upon judicious thinking. For instance, people have cured such infections as cholera and malaria. Man has figured out how to fly, erect urban areas and high rises, and make PCs. People have been to the moon and back and have created technology such as phone, TV and many other technologies.

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A fundamental risk lies at the root of all true innovation. But the most successful ventures do not succeed solely because they are considered risky. Thomas Edison, Marie Curie and Steve Jobs might all have been considered “crackpots” in their respective time periods for their contrarian work and ideas. They undertook serious reputational and financial risk by pursuing paths that were previously unchartered territory. They invested all of their resources into their work, be it time, capital and, most importantly, reputation.

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Hence, the problem of relative gains imbalances in a cooperative outcome leads to the realist theory of cooperative failure (Grieco, 1988). The neorealists emphasise two impediments of cooperation, the relative gains and enforcement. However, the neoliberalists disregard the former, which is argued to have real consequences on the understanding of the problem of cooperation (Snidal, 1991). These two views have implications on the how the states preferences are modelled in terms of utility. If the states (or subjects) not only considers their own self-interest but

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Sharena Roberson June 12, 2016 GWA 201 Dr. Michael Broache Anarchy is What States Make of It Alexander Wendt has the opinion of a constructivist. In his argument, “Anarchy is what states make of it”,He believes that anarchy is not given, but constructed. He states that classical realists base power politics on human nature whereas structural realists and neo-realists base their views on anarchy(Art and Jervis p.59).He argues that Waltz’s “Theory of International Politics” lacks the discussion of behavioral roles in politics. His argument is broken up into three parts.

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Commonly understood as a political economy committed to rolling back the state, neoliberalism has characterized a decade of challenges and reforms. Both in the US and in the UK, the neoliberal thinking upset the previous political ideas ascribable to the Keynesian Era. Ronald Reagan spearheaded neoliberal policies in the US during his presidency, lasting from 1981 to 1989. The US political context shaped and constrained his ideas, leading this country to a unique neoliberal revolution (Jacob, 1985). A limitation of the power of trade unions, a huge process of deregulation and a relatively slight economic growth had to face, however, an increasing government spending, thus debunking the so-called ‘Reagan myth’ (Krugman, 2008).

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Introduction The risk society thesis by Ulrich Beck has been one of the most extensively discussed frameworks in environmental management (Matten, 2004). Ulrich Beck who is a German sociologist is the up-to-date theorist of modernity. Beck maintains that the risk which is intrinsic in modern society characterized by technological industrialization produces new forms of global risk society. Beck’s theory is based on the premise that the post-modernist world that we live considers safety and collective decision making on risk as more crucial than amassing wealth.

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Individual Choice and the Unity of Common Good While communitarians generally argue that members of a community share the same set of values and the same vision of the substantive good, to which new members are socialized, liberals tend to “construe this as equivalent to the rejection of individual diversity in relation to human goods” (Nederman, 1992, p. 977). In particular, liberal theorists largely seem to assume that any conception of the communal good that exceeds minimal consensus on tolerance and public order “imposes an ‘exclusivist,’ quasi-totalitarian conception of a common life upon individuals, who are thereby prevented from choosing their own life plans” (ibid.). In the effort to strengthen the communitarian argument and to fend

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Saad-Filho and Johnston (2005 cited in Thorsen and Lie) believed that neoliberalism has been dominating and shaping the world today. Thorsen and Lie, on the one hand, stated that it is a new paradigm for economic theory and policy-making. Many scholars have stated in their studies that the core foundation of this ideology goes back to Adam Smith and his work “The Wealth of Nations”. In support to this, Clarke (2005) stated in his paper that Smith’s main argument in laying the foundation of neoliberalism was that, “free exchange was a transaction from which both parties necessarily benefited, since nobody would voluntarily engage in an exchange from which they would emerge worse off.”, and added that as market expands which allows increasing

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Wade, much like Friedman can be critiqued for viewing neoliberalism as an inevitable “one way road” that all countries eventually will adapt to. The danger in this claim is that it will form resistance to other alternatives like cooperative and sociality market economies and can create a fear of state intervention and

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From here comes the idea of ‘reflexive modernization’. In a risk society, society becomes more self-reflexive and self-critical and acts to change itself. Greater international cooperation like the UN, Kyoto Protocol, Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaties etc. are steps that the contemporary risk society is taking in order to meet the challenges posed by the newer risks. The class society was dominated by the idea of equality and welfare whereas the risk society is dominated by the idea of safety.

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Then, what about Social Control in stateless societies? Ross’s legacy is totally confusing and worthless? Ross himself clearly meant it to cover both the formal institutions of the state and all kinds of nongovernmental arenas, some of them at the “bottom” of society. Thus, Ross allowed for top-down as well as bottom-up perspectives on Social Control.

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Assess the claim that Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism have far more similarities than differences. Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism, two of the most influential contemporary approaches to international relations, although similar in some respects, differ multitudinously. Thus, this essay will argue it is inaccurate to claim that Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism have far more similarities than differences. On the contrary, it will contend that there are, in an actual fact, more of the latter than there are of the former on, for example, the nature and consequences of anarchy, the achievement of international cooperation, and the role of international institutions. Moreover, it will be structured in such a way so as to corroborate this line of argument.

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Why do many neorealists liken states in the international system to firms in a capitalist market?  How valid is that analogy? Neorealism has emerged as a contemporary theory that attempts to explain the interaction of states on an international level. Oftentimes neorealists compare states in the international system and firms in a capitalist market. There are a number of factors that can be described as similarities or differences between the two and for the sake of brevity, only a few will be discussed below.

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