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United States Role In Foreign Policy

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When it comes to the United States role in foreign policy it is easy to identify the constraints that other countries put on ourselves. However, acknowledging that we may be the problem, may be the first step to becoming more effective in the global scene. The first problem we create for ourselves deals with Americans attitude toward the army. And the second is our desire to use war as a means to reshape the world. Keeping this in mind we are able to create a foreign policy that is informed on our weaknesses; this policy looks like selective engagement. Due to the strong disconnect between American society and the military we have a skewed view of our military involvement in foreign affairs. As a whole Americans often find themselves wrapped up in a catchy slogans and a patriotic call to serve. For example, when President Bush cried for “Boots on the Ground” thousands of Americans answered the call. Only to have the American public pleading for pull back years later. This brings me to my point, the perspective of …show more content…

By investing resources in every foreign dispute we then make it our obligation to fix the problem the American way. However, the issue with this approach is that not every country wants to be remade in the American image. And when we try there is major retaliation. For example, our involvement in Vietnam was largely frowned upon by NATO countries. The result of our efforts to bring democracy to a region already skeptical of western countries turned out to fuel the Viet Cong’s efforts, resulting in a loss for the United States. The problem with assuming every country wants to be like the U.S. is that we don’t take the time to actually understand what they really want. If we put the countries interest above ours there would be less apprehension towards American involvement. Thus making our efforts more effective as far as actually providing

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The United States saw it necessary to keep up with European powers in Asia, especially in the Manchurian region of China and at the same time avoid foreign intervention or investment in Latin American markets. Three different foreign policies, Big Stick Diplomacy, Dollar Diplomacy and Moral Diplomacy

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The United States required a moral authority to justify militarization and intervention in a war that was not being fought on American soil. That moral authority was granted by the nation’s political leadership to defend democratic values globally, not just in the U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt claimed that the defense of “freedom and democratic values” now depended on U.S. leadership (Document

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In regards to keeping this mindset, propaganda is used throughout the time, and the newspaper Chicago Daily News shows a visual upon their stance of no war involvement at all costs as the signs proclaim, “We will not fight a foreign war for anything” (Doc. G). This viewpoint is very similar to other points of views of Americans like the America First Committee, who believed that America should merely defend itself in these circumstances, and no

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President Truman reflected on the importance of the United Nations and military involvement by stating, “… I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures…” (Document B). However, during this particular time period, America remained one of the only nations actively fighting against communism. Most European countries were subjected to financial duress caused by World War II, thus placing the burden squarely on America’s shoulders. This inexplicable lack of support not only made America relatively weaker, but also allowed communism to spread throughout areas in which they people were not even willing to fight for themselves.

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To begin, Kennan describes that current policies towards the Soviet Union is flawed since Washington believes that they can influence the Soviets to agree to long-term peaceful coexistence. However, this could never be the solution because the Soviet government is influenced by the dynamics of a “police regime and antagonistic capitalist encirclement” that seeks to destroy the harmony and freedom of America (Doc 1). Since the Soviet mindset of security derives from the idea of deadly destruction of rival Western powers, Kennan argues that diplomacy and peace negotiations will not work. The Soviets “do not work by fixed plans and are impervious to the logic of reason” (Doc 1). Consequently, Kennan’s solution to overcoming the Soviets is “without recourse to military conflict” through spreading awareness of the benefits of Western Freedom and showing pressure and guidance.

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In today’s world, that kind of self-imposed isolation would be unthinkable, especially for a country like the United States which has created such a pivotal role for itself in the world political order. Tocqueville then introduces Jefferson’s proposition that the United States never ask for privileges from other countries in order to be able to deny the same request for privileges from other countries. Again, while it may have seemed like a good way to remain above the petty politics of what Tocqueville refers to as the ‘Old World’, today much of the power that the United States holds manifests itself in the privileged position it holds in the eyes of both other countries and in international organizations, allowing it to maintain the security that isolation previously provided. Also, Tocqueville further says that maintaining mainly

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The U.S. acquiring peace with all nations and having good faith and justice towards them was the last advice that Washington strongly suggested. He suggested this because hatred from one nation to another can cause annoyance and can be hard to deal with: “Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable...” Washington additionally clarifies that the United States shouldn’t let people influence and dictate who our allies and our enemies are: “...the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government…” Washington’s advice on staying neutral was inspired by the conflict between France and Great Britain. Additionally, the purpose of this advice was to justify how getting involved with other nations does no good for the U.S. because there can be

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First, there was Roosevelt's policy, Big Stick Deplomacy. Here, Roosevelt identifies the role of the United States, which is "policeman." United States wanted to see other nations "stable, orderly, and prosperous." They wanted to help countries just

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US intervention in Kosovo further supports this claim in preserving stability in the international realm. It was through US-led action and Jacksonian support that prevented further escalation in the conflict. Additionally once the enemy makes an unconditional surrender Jacksonian honor code pledges to treat them with magnanimity. During both German and Japanese occupation, the US military made efforts in rebuilding these countries and dropped any antagonism against them. There were no efforts in heavily punishing the countries.

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It is no doubt that the Monroe Doctrine has become a staple in the study of American foreign policy. Since the establishment of the nation, America’s role in foreign policy has been questioned and under constant scrutiny. In his Farewell Address, George Washington warned of foreign entanglement. Stemming from Washington’s warning to Monroe’s doctrine – a disagreement has grown, what is the American role in the World. It was President James Monroe’s doctrine that ushered in a new belief for America’s role.

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A renewed comprehension of these standards will permit us to justify actions abroad that advance our security and interests but temper that pursuit with a consciousness of our ethical commitments to different countries. The net impact of a renewed application of Founding principles would be a foreign policy that better promotes our good, the good of other countries and people, and the good of the world as a whole. Understanding the dangerous inadequacies of Progressive foreign policy, combined with a proper information of Founding foreign policy, will permit us to stay away from the pitfalls of two extremes in contemporary foreign policy: on the one extreme, a simply unbiased and idealistic foreign policy by which we interminably devote our military and other assets to the freedom and welfare of others and a policy of neutrality or intolerant self-enthusiasm by which both neglect forward-thinking actions necessary for our immediate and future security and miss genuine chances to help other people by prudentially advancing the universal principles to which we as a nation are committed.3 The loss of this conviction was the high cost of the Progressives' rebuilding of American foreign policy. A reestablished comprehension of the Founders' foreign policy is the way to reestablishing

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With great power comes great responsibility. That of moral, political and economic power has divided America into three different selections. That power must be managed and not push upon other countries and their views… we must be strong in our political moves, military gains, and economic growth. Which in turn scared our “ally” friends into believing we will take over there the way of life and turn it into an American way of

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Bush administration, and part 1 of this book spans that period. Parts 2 through 4 cover the Obama years. That wider scope, subsuming two quite different administrations, only serves to under-score the profound impact of philosophic ideas in foreign policy, regardless of who sits in the Oval Office. You will also learn that victory is achievable—if we take certain necessary steps (a detailed account can be found in Winning the Unwinnable War). Part 5 sketches out how an Objectivist approach to foreign policy stands apart in today’s intellectual landscape.

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In his address to Congress on January 5, 1957, President Eisenhower, similar to President Truman, stated his belief that the United States should contribute economically to strengthen free Middle Eastern countries. In this way he hoped, like Truman, to discourage these countries from turning to the Soviet Union and communism to solve troubles. President Eisenhower also said that the United States should provide military aid to Middle Eastern countries who seek such aid (Eisenhower). Again like Truman the reasoning for this was the hope that the aid would help these countries resist any communist force or aggression. Unlike President Truman, Eisenhower called for the United States to put armed forces in the Middle East to protect and secure the independence of Middle Eastern nations from Communist armed aggression (Eisenhower).

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