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Australia Foreign Policy Analysis

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Not yet. We do not have to decide yet, but we may. To answer this question, it is necessary to first look at the position of the Australian Government, who believes that we do not have to choose between a strong relationship with the United States and a strong relationship with China. Naturally, this perspective drives current Australian foreign policy, but this approach will be detrimental in the future if the trajectory of the US-China relations turn sour. There are three ways to look at this question: the first is to look at what we want to do— which is, we don't want to choose. The second, the fact that we haven’t had to choose until now, and thirdly, the question of will we have to choose in the future? By highlighting each of these areas, …show more content…

We’ve been able to maintain a very close relationship with the United States, which has been fundamental to our security, while at the same time we’ve also been able to develop a very close economic relationship with China, which has transformed us economically. However for Australia, these arrangements are becoming increasingly difficult as the strategic rivalry between the US and China in Asia escalates. This is largely because Australia has no other model from which we can base our foreign policy, on either the economy or security. Australia doesn't have good vision for the future which doesn't presuppose that we can maintain our China-US relationship with relative ease. Economically, we see our economic future very closely tied to continuing selling more and more goods to China, and we don't have another model of Australia’s economy. Strategically, we don't have another model except for our continued reliance on the United States. In the words of Hugh White, professor of strategic studies at the Australian National University, we “are caught between two poles” (Foreign affairs). This …show more content…

Because the US has not seen China as a rival until recently, it has been perfectly possible for Australia to develop a strong economic relationship with China and maintain a very strong relationship with the United States so far. However, this is changing. While as of now, we don't have to make what has been called ‘the big choice’; where we have to choose to abandon China and side with the US or visa versa. However, we do in a sense have had to start making smaller choices. Choices about how we balance our relationships with the US and China all the time. This diplomatic challenge is very new for Australia, as previously we have been able to put our bilateral relations with the other in separate boxes. Nothing what we did with one, affected what we did with the other, however this has now changed. This is particularly evident in the political and strategic field, where any choice we make in relation to either the US or China is read very carefully by the other. As such, Australian policy makers now have to pay very close attention to the way in which our decisions in relation to one of those countries affects decisions in relation to the other. This sensitivity goes as far back as 1996, when Beijing froze ministerial contact after Canberra supported US aircraft

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This article looked at the officials of the United States and China discussing a ship passage in an area called “China Islets”. The ships of the United States will continue to “regularly” cross the twelfth nautical mile islands built by China in the South China Sea. Protests in Beijing happened, because of the USS Lassen’s passage near one of these islands. A spokesman named Josh Earnest said that the United States “would reserve the right to carry out those kinds of operations in the future”.

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Shocked and shaken by the Japanese Empire’s plans and attempts to seize control of the continent in WWII, Australians understood and feared their close proximity to Communism’s spread throughout Asia. Many Australians felt that the situation was a grave matter for the future prospects of Australia’s geopolitical standing and felt that a need to ‘draw the line’ as to how far Communism clutches could spread through the Asia-Pacific region. This doctrine of ‘Forward Defence’ (dealing with the enemy before the got too close for comfort) was highly perpetuated by anti-communist, Liberal Prime Minister Robert Menzies. These various geopolitical and trans-societal factors all play a significant role in the development of Australian military-policy and public opinion throughout the Vietnam War period. These fears and concepts may sound quite brash and juvenile from our hindsight-based, contemporary perspective, but for many Australians then, time to intervene was simply running

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