Contract Women Into The Bracero Program

In 1957, Faustina Flores was left behind in her hometown of Venustiano Carranza, Jalisco, México, by her husband Timoteo Flores. He was traveling to a contracting center in Empalme, Sonora, México which he had heard about in the local newspaper. His whole life, he had worked on the landsdescribe what kinds of lands)) and knew his job very well but, as his family grew the money that once was enough to support his family was no longer enough. His travels to Sonora, Mexico were in search for work in el norte to possibly earn more money to help support his family by working in the fields as a Bracero -describe what a bracero is)) With Flores’ absence from the home, Faustina was left to raise eleven children on her own. This story is indicative

Both the Mexican and United States governments feared that once in the United States, Mexican couples and individuals laboring in close proximity to each other would require separate and expensive forms of housing and transportation. In addition, a concern was marriage or becoming an unwed family would encourage them to settle permanently in the United States. Also, both governments estimated that the combined wage-earning potential of Mexican immigrant women and men would make it feasible for them to ignore or overstay their contracts. In order to avoid this outcome, they issued contracts exclusively to men move to beginning of paragraph Braceros were also enlisted apart from their families to facilitate their movement across multiple United States employment destinations. The governing officials that mandated the program did not fully consider the consequences of the one-sided gender arrangement of the Bracero Program in Mexico and the United States. A male-only based program initiated a process that would deteriorate Mexican children along with the wife’s personal wellbeing and their relationship with the Bracero himself, which brings about some questions that I will address in this essay. How did the family feel when their father

The Mexican and U.S. governments’ poor oversight of the Mexican family has left very few historical records from which to investigate the impact on Mexican children and women. Therefore, I have supplemented my findings by using oral life-histories that were retrieved through the _____ of XX Mexican children and women who endured the Braceros Program's separation of their fathers in Mexico. Each interview encouraged the children and wives of the Bracero to share their memories of the program’s impact on themselves and their family relationships. It also allowed them to discuss their overall assessment of the program’s conditions and terms. Years have passed since the Bracero program was put to an end. Due to this elapsed time, the families’ recollections of the impact of the program, particularly those who had experienced these separations as children, have changed and potentially deteriorated over the past few decades. For many of the children and women interviewed, the recorded oral histories were one of the few times in which they shared their personal memories of the hardships and sacrifices that they had to make. Although their recollections are a biased view of the program’s effects on the Mexican family, their views are vital primary sources in the