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Gonzalez’s book is written through the lenses of the Hispanic/ Latino population. Though Gonzalez is not able to fully explain all the specifics of the entire Hispanic / Latino population when it comes to Christianity, he does a remarkable job painting a broad picture. Though this book is aimed at helping share
It despite the life of a roman catholic, a roman catholic who must learn how to reconcile the doctrines of Catholicism with the religion of the people who inhabited the land before the Christians came. Anaya also gives voice to the diversity and richness of Latino heritage in this
Benjamin Banneker, son of former slaves, wrote to Thomas Jefferson and George Washington, in attempt to argue against slavery to achieve a solution. Jefferson and Washington were the secretary of state, and the President of the United States at the time, so in order to convince them Banneker has to be very persuasive so that they can even consider his proposition. Banneker uses three main tactics to try and persuade Jefferson and Washington, these tactics are: Comparing Jefferson’s and Washington’s experiences to his own and trying to find a common link for them to understand and identify themselves with, appealing to common sense, and he leaves room open to interpretation and lets Washington and Jefferson the ability to decide what to do about the problem. Banneker uses comparisons to find a common link with his audience, this tactic can be effective if used properly with relevant examples. What Banneker does is that he uses specific examples to compare, one of the examples he uses, is the American Revolution; He compares slavery to the lack of freedom that the U.S had when they were a British colony.
During the Chicano Nationalist Movement, a well-known speaker, Rodolfo ‘Corky’ Gonzales, delivered a speech titled Chicano Nationalism: Victory for La Raza. In this speech, Rodolfo Gonzales tries to unify the Latin American people within the United States by using the idea of a family and to create a new political organization for the Chicano people. This speech was a cumulation of various ideas which stemmed from his own life, the experiences of the Chicano people, and the Chicano Nationalist Movement in general. Each of these factors contributed to the context of the speech and how the ideas within the speech are presented by Rodolfo Gonzales. Rodolfo ‘Corky’ Gonzales was born to Federico and Indalesia Gonzales, two Mexican immigrants, on June 18, 1928.
The United States since the past until now has limited the historical information given to us. In reality only focusing on what the US has done that seems good. Giving little to no credit to other people who contributed to shaping the country we are today. However, in the book Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America by Juan Gonzalez. Throughout the book he talks, and explains much of history that is hidden from people today.
“Never Marry a Mexican” is both the title of Sandra Cisneros’ short story published in the collection Woman Hollering Creek, and one of the most ironic as well as provocative statements present in the Chicana literature. The story itself is a critical as well as self-reflexive exercise in understanding concepts such as gender, race and ethnicity. Working with the presumption that the affiliation to distinct gender as well as racial and ethnic background is determined by the certain level of performativity, Cisneros illustrates difficulties in performing a double role , frequently faced by the second and the third generation of Mexican immigrants in the United States. Following paragraphs will consider Cisneros’ story with Judith Butler’s concept
In Clara E. Rodriguez essay of, "What It Means to Be Latino," she writes about how Latinos are the fastest growing population group in United States. Within the Latino population, Latinos define their own racial and ethnic identity within the term, Hispanic and Latino and how they refuse to define themselves. In the Latino culture there are many small ethnic groups so there aren't much of other terms to use towards them. The Latino and Hispanic term may be interchangeable, there still a difference between these two terms. The term Hispanic was adopted around 1970 census by the government, which is the universal term being used, in order to find an affiliated term that included people that came from or had parents from Spanish-speaking
Ruben Salazar was a man who 45 years ago became the matyr of the Chicano Moratorium anti-war protest. Salazar was born in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico in 1928 however he was raised in El Paso, Texas. At a young age he struggled with his identity, his mother frequently abased and denied her own nationality to her children. He attended public throughout his life and later went on to receive an education at the University of Texas in El Paso known as Texas Western College at that time. There he received his bachelor’s degree in journalism.
To my knowledge, many Latinos are/were immigrants or the children of immigrants. Due to this, they would prefer staying away from anything that is associated with the government; they would much rather not vote than be deported back to their country. A lot of those children have not been accustomed to voting which effects the results of the Latino vote in view of the fact that they are unfamiliar with how the system functions. It is also important to realize that those Latinos have been “hiding behind the shadows” for so long and they may think the safer way is to continue to hide.
The Chicano movement derives from early oppression of Mexicans. Robert Rodrigo, author of “The Origins and History of the Chicano Movement” acknowledges that, “At the end of the Mexican American war in 1848, Mexico lost half of its territory to the United States and its Mexican residents became ‘strangers in their own lands.’” In stating this fact, Rodrigo exemplifies the United States’ relations with Mexico, that, ultimately, led to their oppression. Moreover, these early relations led to social injustice for the Mexican community. Carlos Muñoz, author of The Chicano Movement: Mexican American History and the Struggle for Equality reports, “As a conquered people, beginning with the Texas-Mexico War of 1836 and the U.S. Mexico War of 1846-48, they have
Equality and same-sex marriage is similar to that of The Crucible. The thought of a same-sex marriage happening within the holy walls of God, is a sin, in the eyes of the church. Many churches have banned the ceremony of gay/lesbian marriages. The churches that disallow same-sex marriages are Baptists, Methodist, Catholic and Presbyterian churches. This selective behaviour from those particular churches, have caused hysteria from supporters of equality, especially the LGBTQ+ community.
During the 1920s, the Chicano movement faced many political challenges. One of the many problems was many teachers didn 't put in effort to teach Chicanos. In addition, schools had student’s graduate high schools without even being ready for college. One example of the political challenges the Chicano movement suffers is discussed in the History of a Barrio by Richard Romo the author asserts; “the Los Angeles School District maintained separate schools for Mexicans on the premise that Mexicans had special needs” [Romo 139]. In other words, this demonstrates that school districts separated Chicanos from normal classes because they had trouble learning.
The foundations of a U.S. Latino politics has its shared experiences and common interest. There are some political studies from the 1920’s and 1930’s, but the Voting Rights Act to Hispanic communities was in 1975. The VRA was the beginning era of national recognitions, also the beginning of expectations for Hispanics politics other then Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, or Puerto Ricans. Theres been large changes in the mid-1960’s in the Latino population which created shares interests with Latinos in there ancestries and origins. From all the Latinos as in Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and others have to be heard and understood for todays Latino Politics.
The hidden history of the Chicanx community in the United States that I have never familiarized myself with was presented by the ethnic studies course offered by the Sophie’s Scholars Program in Sacred Heart Schools. Throughout the two summers I devoted to education in Sacred Heart Schools through the Sophie’s Scholars Program in the sixth and seventh grade, I was to take four classes: a math course, a science course, a multicultural literature class, and an ethnic studies class. It was the middle of summer; the air was hot and humid, and by the end of the day, students were eager to leave campus, go home, and feel the summer breeze in the afternoon. Meanwhile, I did not enjoy having to go to school for six weeks of my summer, but I was getting accustomed to the new
Stacy Davis, self-proclaimed activist for feminism and womanism, is a “scholar trained in feminist theory and African American biblical hermeneutics” (Davis 23). In her article, The Invisible Woman: Numbers 30 and the Policies of Singleness in Africana Communities, Davis argues for a prominent place for single woman (specifically those who have never married) in biblical scholarship, and as leaders in the church, with questions of their sexuality left alone. Davis argues this viewpoint from the perspective as an unmarried black woman. Davis establishes the foundation for her argument in Numbers 30, a text that altogether omits reference to single woman, rather each group of women mentioned in the text about vows refers to them in relation to men (21). Thus, Davis establishes the omission of single women in the Hebrew Bible as the invisible women.
