Auguste Blanqui's Analysis

It was 1940. Nazi Germany had pulled in a swath of territories under its heels. This included France. At a moment of triumph, Nazi Germany, with its fascist system of governance, had shown its superiority over the supposedly dysfunctional politics that had plagued France. From its inception, republican sentiments in Europe had been marred by turmoil and ever-constant political switching since the late 1700’s, and revolutions had swept across the battered continent. No political system was safe from this wave – except, possibly, the Swiss, though there was also a period of disruption during Napoleon’s days.
It was here when Fascist sentiments considered themselves victorious over Europe’s republican sentiments. This included the wanton inefficiency

Auguste Blanqui believed in a more radical sentiment with regards to promoting socialism. He was the one of the first to espouse a more conserved, unyielding, and oligarchic form of socialism – a particular thought that had isolated him from his other comrades. Blanqui believed in the passivity of people: that social systems, despite being rife with dissent and ripe for revolution, are not inclined to undergo social change. This change was to be led by a vocal and resolute minority, and that this eventually will lead the others to follow suit. This revolution was to be maintained not as a ‘dictatorship of the masses’, by some other group entirely. This was the primary split between Blanqui’s radical socialism and mainline Marxist socialism comes along. Most probably, Blanqui had opted for the intelligientsia’s support instead of the dictatorship of the

And in many respects, we can see some of Blanqui’s indirect influence over some of the worlds’ past and present socialist states – China’s ruling Politburo, to give a stark example, is an obvious model of a largely centralized and secretive minority who pulls the strings under the cover of the state. It can be considered to be the rule of the intelligientsia, with many of its members holding STEM degrees. Despite being founded on the rural peasantry during China’s warlord era, it had continually transformed itself, transitioning itself from a peasant army to a s. Just in today’s time we can see the large disconnect between the ruling group and the bulk of China’s working populace, many of whom are being displaced by their unprecedented economic growth. However, not all aspects of Blanquism can be attributed to China by itself. China’s current socialist government can hardly be considered as revolutionary, save for the cultural revolution. It did, however, hallmark Blanquism’s liberal use of force to save the revolution; i.e. to take care of political dissidents that reside within its borders, as well as keeping its population under general surveillance and repression. This, and also being the polar opposite of Blanqui’s uncompromising illegality, where China’s communist party had begun to posit itself as the embodiment of China’s legal