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Traditional Gender Gap

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The term “gender gap” attempts to explain the differences between the genders in their party identifications and their voting choices. In the election of 1980 the discussion of the emergence of a gender gap ensued for this was the first time more women than men voted and there proved to be a significant gender divide between the Democrats and Republicans. From the 1920s until the 1980s, lower levels of female voters were recorded. And after the 80s, slightly higher levels of female voters were recorded. In addition to the changing number of voters, a gender reversal in voting choice and party identification has been noted. This created a “traditional gender gap” in the 50s and 60s which suggested that women were more likely to support center-right parties in Western Europe and the US. “Most explanations of the traditional gender gap …show more content…

In the 1980s a greater number of women who had previously identified as right wing in the 50s flipped sides and became more left wing (Norris 2003, 149). This traditional gap closed in the 1960s and 1970s and the modern gender gap began to emerge. The size of the gender gap has also changed and shrunk to only a few percentage points in recent elections (Norris 2003, 150).
There are believed to be four major causes and hypotheses of gender realignment: “issue-based” explanations, structural explanations, political mobilization, and generational accounts (Norris 2003, 155). The issue-based explanations state that “the conditions of issue voting are threefold: the public needs to be divided over the issue, the issue needs to be

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The change in correlation between 1968 and the 1980 primaries show how dramatically the parties had become ideologically sorted by that time. In 1964 there were likely conservatives and moderates who were turned off by Goldwater’s campaign and rhetoric, or persuaded by Lyndon Johnson’s campaign and his status as Kennedy’s successor. 1968 is likely an outlier due to George Wallace’s campaign, which while it might have been closer ideologically to some non-southern conservative voters then Nixon’s campaign, his predicted share based on ideology was weighed down by his lack of a campaign outside of the South and by distaste for his open racism. In 1972 moderates defecting to Nixon due to McGovern’s poor campaign likely also weighed down the

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Patriarchy was gradually being abolished, as men usually did the same tasks as women did in family life and liberated women from household work. Therefore, women had more voice in their family affairs at home. In politics, matters were similar, as the rates of female participation in the Communist Party from 1975 to 1986 greatly increased (Doc #9). Women were more integrated in politics after the Cuban Revolution. This is because the government and society were giving them the opportunities for doing so.

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The political reforms sponsored by the progressive Republican Congress were themselves very limited as voting rights ceased to expand across the basis of gender. This minimalist vision of freedom and equality once again resurged across America in part with the

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A University of Tulane scholar states “Theories of agenda setting, despite being built by relatively modest case studies, contain within them general theories of politics whether they are implicit or declared. They begin by offering a theory of policy change, perhaps most importantly, undermining theories of incrementalism and iron triangles that maintain dominant interests as they seek to explain sudden and dramatic shifts in policy, what Baumgartner and Jones (1993) refer to as the lurching quality of public policy,” (Kenney, 2003). She believes that agenda setting and women’s rights can be equally helpful and hurtful. She describes that the American political system is neither a pluralist, meaning a neutral realm open to all who enter, nor an iron triangle, meaning it favors a single subject in an unopened system, and not patriarchal. She views it as a “non-neutral arena structured against the interests of women but relatively autonomous, capable of occasionally being harnessed for feminists ends, and, perhaps even more importantly, as an arena where so much damage can be done to women that feminists cannot therefore afford to abandon it.

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Women Suffrage Movement did not end at 1912, but this year was the most significant breakthrough through the whole event. For the first time of the national party in United States, Republican Party adopted a women’s suffrage plank. “The favorable Minority Report meant that some of the leaders of the Republican Party supported women 's rights claims on the Constitution.” (Dubois, 124) Dubois suggested that Republican Party somewhat support women’s rights, even though they did not began their action

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A focal part of realignment is the adjustment in behavior of voting groups. Realignment is the adjustments in patterns of group support for the Democrats and the Republicans that persevered through extraordinary changes in the parties’ coalition. (Hershey 2015, 130) All the more particularly, it alludes to American national elections in which there are sharp changes in issues, party pioneers, the territorial and demographic bases of power of the two parties, and structure or principles of the political framework bringing about another political power structure that goes on for a considerable length of time. Some of the time the voters may change their habits all the more profoundly.

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Finally, it will be argued that the modern political party system in the United States is a two-party system dominated by the Democratic Party and the Republican Party. These two parties have won every United States presidential election since 1852 and have controlled the United States Congress since 1856. The Democratic Party generally positions itself as centre-left in American politics and supports a modern American liberal platform, while the Republican Party generally positions itself as centre-right and supports a modern American conservative platform. (Nichols, 1967)

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