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China's Foreign Policy Analysis

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Recommended: Summary of China foreign policy

The durability of China’s regime has been a controversy among scholars and the experts of China’s issue. Some predicted that China’s regime would crumble following the collapse of the largest authoritarian regime (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics). Somehow China survived and began to grow; however, various explicit problems happening in China are devastating. Bruce Dickson argues that people may underestimate China’s adaptability. Although the reaction of the government is slow, it can adapt many political or societal changes and reclaim its legitimacy. In contrast, David Shambaugh argues that without political reform (liberalisation) and decentralisation of authorities’ power, China will just have marginal social advancement and economic …show more content…

The public is fed CCP propaganda through mass media, such as “If you love the country, you must love the ruling party” and “Without CCP, there is no new China”, etc. “Promoting the party as the defender of the nation’s interests is a key element in its strategy for survival.” (Dickson, p. 13) So, whenever China launches a military operation for showing its sovereignty in certain islands (like Uotsuri Jima and South China Sea Islands), national sentiment is aroused. Hence, the popular support increases. But, military operations do not always happen. Instead, the news of Xi’s anti-corruption campaign has been widely circulated in the public by mass media since 2012. Over 180,000 CCP members and government officials were arrested and prisoned. (Shambaugh, p. 80) This is a successful campaign; however, it reveals the truth of the government to the people. Some may glad to see positive change of the government, but such a huge number of corrupted officials may shock the people and they would probably lose faith in government and not be patriotic anymore. Moreover, the consensus of political value is manipulated by Xi. As “Xi is trying to develop a mass line concept without the masses” (Dickson, p. 109), the phenomenon of “country-wide” patriotism might be an illusion, if not all. Perhaps the actual political values of the public differ and the data of population support from surveys are nominal. When time has come, the people might …show more content…

“Economic foundation is inevitably constrained by its political superstructure.” (Shambaugh, p. 7) Modern China’s patriotism is based on status quo and government propaganda. If political structure remains unchanged in the future, the China’s economy will be stagnated and the national sentiment will reduce. China’s government will lose popular support and its regime will no longer be

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In the mid 19th century, the Chinese were experiencing extreme poverty and discontent. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, China was a booming economic power, producing a large majority of the world’s goods. But the country fell behind in technology and industry, not understanding how to utilise and distribute their land effectively. Rebellions, such as the Taiping Rebellion, and the military failure of the Opium Wars demonstrated to the Chinese government that reform was required. After defeating the rebels, the government attempted to appease them with the Self-Strengthening Movement.

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A dialogic approach can be used here to show commentary of the Chinese government and its citizens. At one angle the reader can see that the citizens look towards the government for comfort, as Chiu does with quoting Mao (Jin 5). The government instead creates an environment that grows chaos (Jin 2). The story comments of the government can be used to see how the author feels about the Communist

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Grace Fair April 20th, 2023 Mr. Selitto World History China DBQ Mao and Deng both transformed China in similar and different ways. Mao tended to be harsher, wanting everyone to conform to his idea of the cultural revolution of China. While Deng wanted people to have more capitalistic ideas, allowing people to run things themselves without harsh control from the government. This DBQ will discuss how China ran under the similar and different political, diplomatic, and economic rules of Mao and Deng.

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In Elizabeth Economy’s monograph, the Third Revolution: Xi Jinping and the New Chinese state, the topic of a new modern china is discussed and breaks down how President Xi Jinping wishes to steer the country into the future. Elizabeth Economy explains President Xi Jinping’s desire to constitute a Third Revolution and how there will be a “New Chinese State.” To start, one must first understand China’s past to learn what a “New Chinese” State would look like. During the time of Mao Zedong, China attempted to become a player on the World scale.

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Thousands of demonstrators for democracy in China filled Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. They paraded around with a thirty-foot-high statue of the “Goddess of Democracy”. However China’s autocratic rulers weren’t in favor of democracy and got rid of all the notions that they were going to change. They ruined the festivities by running over the crowds with large tanks,

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The book Age of Ambition written by Evan Osnos, a staff writer of The New Yorker who covers politics and foreign affairs, reveals life in the new China to be a battleground between aspiration and authoritarianism, in which only one can prevail, and he also describes the greatest conflict taking place in China: the clash between the rise of the individual and the Communist Party’s struggle to retain control. Evan Osnos states his idea in the book, “An account of the collision of two forces: aspiration and authoritarianism, shows a China river by moral crisis and explosive frustration, whose citizens are desperate to achieve wealth, even as they are terrified of being left with nothing. It is also a riveting and troubling portrait of a people

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1162 Words | 5 Pages

The Ming and Qing era of Chinese history from 1450-1800 is historically seen as the period of Chinese isolationism and refusal to interact with the outside world, especially Europe, in any major manner outside of minor trading contracts. An era where the largest empire in the modern world stopped expanding and instead focused on the overall stability of the realm. It can be argued that the Ming and Qing dynasties distanced themselves so far from the rest of the world that it ultimately led to their decline in influence over world affairs while European superpowers such as Portugal and the Netherlands continued to expand their colonial presence. Although this is what is perceived about the time, there are some instances where China “opened its’

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Victory is often won due to the opponent’s failings than on one’s own merit. Dictators often give themselves much of the credit for various achievements. In the height of his cult of personality, Stalin was presented in books and propaganda as the unquestionable savior and hero of Russia and the Soviet Union, as he led the Bolsheviks to victory in the Civil War. Mao Zedong and the CCP taught the story that Mao Zedong mobilized and led the people of China to smashing victory against the Nationalists in a “people’s war”. However, this perspective is certainly warped, as there are other competing factors that contribute to these achievements, such as the failing Provisional Government in the leadup to the October Revolution, or the disunity among

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The Chinese government can afford to maintain the support of almost all of its citizens because it has the ability to configure itself to the demands of the citizens in a way that ensures no backwards movement in their societal progress because of having learned from past mistakes and the desire to remain in power. Keeping with the water analogy, the leaders need to ensure the citizens are happy with the state of their nation to prevent their own ship from being overturned. This is why Li emphasizes that “a little less ideological bias and a little more intellectual honesty might tell us some simple truths: Electoral rotations do not necessarily produce flexibility or legitimacy; one-party rule does not mean rigidity or lack of popular support” (Li, 2011) just as all of the above points elaborate. Each of these countries has made a decision about which form of bureaucracy to use. There is a strong need to understand these strengths and weaknesses in order to prevent a disastrous war from

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This eventually led to the decision of Chinese leaders to implement anther reform to eliminate the instability and return a comprehensive healthcare system to the people of China, leading to it’s healthcare system today (Blumenthal,

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The transition of power in China changed the dynamics of post-World War II relations. For the United States, the so-called “Loss of China” was a a catastrophe, not only because the US supported Chiang Kai-shek in the last few years, but also because it seems to be a victory for the Soviet Union and the global Communism. For China, in 1949 started for the first time in its history the possibility to build foreign relations without being “suppressed by unequal treaties” by western powers. But China‘s relations to other countries remained very complicated and complex.

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As Yang illustrates, the Chinese Communist Party is fully aware of the social tensions that arose when a disparity in wealth between the new rich and the poor emerged, as well as divergent interest of the people. The Party originally went through the motions of suppressing the evidence of the concerns of the people, looking to shut down protests and control the media. The Chinese leadership recognized that this method was not viable and realized that the Party must give (at least a little). In an effort to alleviate this disparity in wealth and social tensions, the Party has initiated a variety of populist initiatives. These include monitoring wages and pensions in the urban workforce, assistance to disadvantaged groups (ruoshi qunti), as well

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On the other hand, it leaves a kind of profound thinking about the typical ordinary Chinese ideology and how great is the impact of such a decision on people’s

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Contrary to the finding that “income inequality increases socio-political instability” (Alesina and Perotti, 1993, p. 18) current levels of inequality in China seems to have little impact on the societal status quo. Although China has experienced massive number of social protests, about 180,000 to 230,000 in 2010 alone (Gӧbel and Ong, 2012, p. 8), these protests are motivated by “abuses of power and other procedural justice issues, rather than being fueled by feelings of distributive injustice and anger at the rich” (Whyte, 2012, p. 6). According to a research paper funded by the European Union (Gӧbel and Ong, 2012, p. 36), income inequality is not among the top five motivations for social protests which include land disputes and environmental degradation. This data is evidently incompatible with a survey finding that income inequality is too great for 95% of Chinese as opposed to only 65% of Americans. Barring survey inaccuracy, high levels of inequality in China so far does not translate to dissatisfaction that leads to outright mass protests and instability.

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Some argued that the miraculous economic performances in the above countries are resulted from authoritarian state regimes. The centralized power structure enables authoritarian government to achieve suppression of consumption, technocratic rationality, mass mobilization, insulation from different socio-political pressures that would lead to inconsistent policies, and the building of developmental ideologies which emphasize diligence and sacrificing for the country. All of these are necessary conditions for early stages of economic and industrial development. Referring to authoritarian countries that have achieved “economic miracles”, people argued that Asian countries, due to their unique cultural roots, tend to better adapt one-party rule and preservation of social harmony , hence would develop its economy more effectively under authoritarian

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