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Scopes And Limits Of US Foreign Policy

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The power to determine the U.S. foreign policy is markedly intricate as the authority is distributed to Congress and the President, in accordance with ideologies and regulations of the Constitution. Despite Article II of the Constitution prescribes the President’s authority on the decision process of foreign policy, its scopes and limits are not clearly defined (Rudalevige, 2005:24). Under the circumstances where the President has been attempting to expand his powers while Congress has been in a state of checking an act of arrogation, such ambiguity and neutrality caused constant conflicts between Congress and the President with the pursuit of “ideals and self-interest” (Magstadt, 2004:19). In 1973, a historian Aurthur Schlesinger popularized
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The president of the United States of America has few constitutional powers in foreign policy. First, the president has the power to negotiate treaties with other nations. Second, the president has the power to mediate disputes between other nations. Third, the president has the power to proclaim friendships with new governments. And finally, the president has the power to work covertly to undermine these friendships with those same governments.

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These cycles compete to hinder executive leadership as presidents are most popular when they first come to power, but more competent, knowledgeable, and effective the further they get into their term. The long-term pendulum swing of American politics between conservatism and isolationism also limits the types of decisions presidents can make and receive public support on. The situations of American foreign affairs also present challenges, according to the authors. Times of crisis generally give presidents greater leverage in decision making, but in the aftermath of said crises, the public affords presidents far less latitude. This means that presidents are frequently limited by situations outside of their control that hamper their abilities to do their

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Address is its inaugurating document, it is not a tradition separate from liberty, but simply the means of defending the first tradition. Moreover, one of McDougall’s main purposes throughout is to show that unilateralism was not isolationism, which in fact never existed. “Our vaunted tradition of ‘isolationism,’” he states, “is no tradition at all, but a dirty word that interventionists, especially since Pearl Harbor, hurl at anyone who questions their policies” (p. 40). That the term functions as a smear (and a proven method of forestalling debate) is true enough. But it is hard to see how Washington’s doctrine can be equated with McDougall’s unilateralism.

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Over the years, foreign policy has had a different take on our country depending on the President of the United States. When our country first became independent, George Washington did not involve himself in conflicts with other countries, especially with Britain or France. Twenty-six presidents later, Theodore Roosevelt involved our country more globally, especially with the Panama Canal (Theodore Roosevelt: Foreign Affairs np). Ronald Reagan, our fortieth President, involved the United States with the Soviet Union, the Iran-Contra Affair, and other important events (Ronald Reagan: Foreign Affairs np). Therefore, foreign policy with the United States has evolved greatly between Presidents George Washington, Theodore Roosevelt, and Ronald Reagan.

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A combination of doctrines and emotions – belief in permanent and universal crisis, fear of communism, faith in the duty and right of the United States to intervene swiftly in every part of the world – had brought about an unprecedented centralization of decisions over war and peace in the presidency. ”(Schlesinger 208). Playing to the constant fear of communism emerging after World War II, presidents have used that as enough of a justification to send our troops away. Surpassing congress by saying we were in imminent danger and essentially, what

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